Affective Dynamics of Excitable Speech in Milo Rau’s Breiviks Erklärung and Mitleid

Theater ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 96-107
Author(s):  
Robert Walter-Jochum

Robert Walter-Jochum reflects on the successes and failures of Milo Rau’s stage explorations of hate speech, investigating what Judith Butler terms “restaging and resignifying.” Walter-Jochum references two of Rau’s performances: Breivik’s Statement and Compassion: The History of the Machine Gun. Both pieces highlight the hypocrisy and similarities of rhetoric from right-wing terrorists and liberals with seemingly good intentions. Breivik’s Statement restages hate speech with an actor of color inverting the meaning of the speech, while Compassion restages a woman of color refugee reflecting on her childhood, while a white woman contemplates her time volunteering in the Congo. Walter-Jochum dissects each monologue, analyzing deeper meaning in Rau’s projects.

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (36) ◽  
pp. 76
Author(s):  
María L. Christiansen

Este artículo propone una reflexión crítica acerca de los procesos de formación monocultural bajo el influjo actual de nuevas formas de racismo. Suscribiendo a varios de los planteamientos de Judith Butler sobre la performatividad del lenguaje injuriante (antesala de los denominados discursos de odio), se traza un recorrido por diferentes aspectos filosóficos a considerar en torno al problema del racismo. En primer lugar, se vindica la necesidad de prestar atención a las relecturas que los teóricos críticos de la raza han realizado en las últimas décadas sobre la historia de la filosofía moderna occidental. En segundo lugar, se aborda la cuestión de la desaparición de saberes (“epistemicidios”) como condición de una racionalidad supremacista, así como los diversos efectos de prácticas sociales que Miranda Fricker ha caracterizado como “injusticia epistémica”. El artículo tiene como eje tres casos ilustrativos de la lógica del desprecio que subyace a las actitudes de odio: “ser negro”, “ser migrante”, “ser pobre”. This article proposes a critical reflection on monocultural formation processes under the current influence of new forms of racism. By subscribing to several of Judith Butler´s approaches to the performativity of insulting language (a prelude to so-called hate speech), a journey through different philosophical aspects to consider around the problem of racism is traced. First, it vindicates the need to pay attention to the re-readings that critical theorists of race have made in recent decades on the history of modern Western philosophy. Second, the question of the disappearance of knowledge (“epistemicides”) as a condition of a supremacist rationality is addressed, as well as the various effects of social practices that Miranda Fricker has characterized as “epistemic injustice”. The article focuses on three illustrative cases of the logic of contempt that underlies hateful attitudes: “being black”, “being a migrant”, “being poor”.


2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nur Masalha

In 1948 an official ‘Transfer Committee’ was appointed by the Israeli Cabinet to plan the Palestinian refugees' resettlement in the Arab states. Apart from doing everything possible to reduce the Arab population in Israel, the Transfer Committee sought to amplify and consolidate the demographic transformation of Palestine by: preventing the Palestinian refugees from returning to their homes; the destruction of Arab villages; settlement of Jews in Arab villages and towns; and launching a propaganda campaign to discourage Arab return. One of the Transfer Committee's initiatives was to invite Dr Joseph Schechtman, a right-wing Zionist Revisionist leader and expert on ‘population transfer’, to join its efforts. In 1952 Schechtman published a propagandists work entitled The Arab Refugee Problem. Since then Schechtman would become the single most influential propagator of the Zionist myth of ‘voluntary’ exodus in 1948. This article examines the leading role played by Schechtman in promoting Israeli propaganda and politics of denial. Relying on newly-discovered Israeli archival documents, the article deals with little known and new aspects of the secret history of the post-1948 period.


Author(s):  
Bryan D. Palmer

This article is part of a special Left History series reflecting upon changing currents and boundaries in the practice of left history, and outlining the challenges historians of the left must face in the current tumultuous political climate. This series extends a conversation first convened in a 2006 special edition of Left History (11.1), which asked the question, “what is left history?” In the updated series, contributors were asked a slightly modified question, “what does it mean to write ‘left’ history?” The article charts the impact of major political developments on the field of left history in the last decade, contending that a rising neoliberal and right-wing climate has constructed an environment inhospitable to the discipline’s survival. To remain relevant, Palmer calls for historians of the left to develop a more “open-ended and inclusive” understanding of the left and to push the boundaries of inclusion for a meaningful historical study of the left. To illustrate, Palmer provides a brief materialist history of liquorice to demonstrate the mutability of left history as a historical approach, rather than a set of traditional political concerns.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Kellogg

Judith Butler and Catherine Malabou’s recent exchange, ‘You Be My Body for Me: Body, Shape and Plasticity in Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit’, is remarkable because in their rereading of Hegel’s famous lord and bondsman parable, rather than focusing on recognition, work, or even desire, Butler and Malabou each wonder about how Hegel contributes to a new way of thinking about ‘having’ a body and how coming to ‘be’ a body necessarily involves a kind of dispossession. Butler and Malabou’s reading of Hegel is congruent with a current shift on the left away from a liberal politics of recognition to a (post-)Marxist analytic of dispossession: a move, in other words, away from liberal ‘solutions’ of redistribution – of either goods or recognition – towards thinking through issues of settler colonialism, forced migration and empire. Butler and Malabou’s piece points towards the insight that Hegel’s parable must be thought in terms of the political history of possessive individualism, and so in terms of the history of juridically defined property relations; the history of regarding both the body and the land as property. The ‘two valences’ of dispossession, in other words, refers in fact to a logic of property relations, one between those who ‘have’ property (either land or the property of their own bodies) and those who are juridically defined as propertyless.


World Affairs ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 004382002110247
Author(s):  
James Alexander Foley

This article describes and analyzes the desperate situation of Korean first-generation divided family members who are still separated from their relatives nearly 70 years since the end of the Korean War (1950–1953). I aim to provide the reader with a reasonable quantification of the problem and make projections as to this first generation's likely future survival. The elements of the approach adopted to resolve the issue of family separation by the humanitarian bodies charged with addressing the problem, the Red Cross Societies of the two Koreas are described, and suggestions are made for improvement. The reunion program's successes and failures are critically assessed as is the key role played by the Red Cross Talks in the history of inter-Korean relations. Finally, conclusions are drawn as to the practical measures which may contribute to a resolution to the problem before the final disappearance of Korea's first generation of aged, separated family members.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147377952198934
Author(s):  
Lucia Zedner

The growth of right-wing extremism, especially where it segues into hate crime and terrorism, poses new challenges for governments, not least because its perpetrators are typically lone actors, often radicalized online. The United Kingdom has struggled to define, tackle or legitimate against extremism, though it already has an extensive array of terrorism-related offences that target expression, encouragement, publication and possession of terrorist material. In 2019, the United Kingdom went further to make viewing terrorist-related material online on a single occasion a crime carrying a 15-year maximum sentence. This article considers whether UK responses to extremism, particularly those that target non-violent extremism, are necessary, proportionate, effective and compliant with fundamental rights. It explores whether criminalizing the curiosity of those who explore radical political ideas constitutes legitimate criminalization or overextends state power and risks chilling effects on freedom of speech, association, academic freedom, journalistic enquiry and informed public debate—all of which are the lifeblood of a liberal democracy.


Transilvania ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 139-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radu Vancu

Mihai Iovănel’s History of Contemporary Romanian Literature: 1990-2020 is the first leftist major narrative of Romanian literature – and the shockwaves it generated were due even more to this firm ideological option (the first such one in the history of major Romanian literary histories) than to its literary content proper. The present article aims at asserting the main three accomplishments and shortcomings generated by this ideological option – namely that: i) it succeeds in coalescing the first coherent narrative of the last three decades of Romanian literature; ii) it sometimes turns from an ideological option into an ideological bias – and modifies the factuality of Romanian literature, eliminating important writers, exaggerating the qualities of some other ones, searching to distribute merits (to leftist writers) and punishments (to right-wing ones) according with their political option, and not with their literary qualifications; iii) it is an impressive stylistic achievement in itself, even though quite ironically its author disregards the virtues of aestheticism.


Author(s):  
Rodney A. Smolla

This personal and frank book offers an insider's view on the violent confrontations in Charlottesville during the “summer of hate.” Blending memoir, courtroom drama, and a consideration of the unhealed wound of racism in our society, the book shines a light on the conflict between the value of free speech and the protection of civil rights. The author has spent his career in the thick of these tempestuous and fraught issues, from acting as lead counsel in a famous Supreme Court decision challenging Virginia's law against burning crosses, to serving as co-counsel in a libel suit brought by a fraternity against Rolling Stone magazine for publishing an article alleging that one of the fraternity's initiation rituals included gang rape. The author has also been active as a university leader, serving as dean of three law schools and president of one and railing against hate speech and sexual assault on US campuses. Well before the tiki torches cast their ominous shadows across the nation, the city of Charlottesville sought to relocate the Unite the Right rally; the author was approached to represent the alt-right groups. Though the author declined, he came to wonder what his history of advocacy had wrought. Feeling unsettlingly complicit, the author joined the Charlottesville Task Force, and realized that the events that transpired there had meaning and resonance far beyond a singular time and place. Why, he wonders, has one of our foundational rights created a land in which such tragic clashes happen all too frequently?


2021 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 114-133
Author(s):  
Britta Kallin

Elfriede Jelinek’s postdramatic stage essay Rein Gold (2012) interweaves countless texts including Richard Wagner’s operas from the Ring cycle, Karl Marx’s The Capital, and Marx and Friedrich Engels’s The Communist Manifesto as well as contemporary writings and news articles. Scholarship has so far examined the play in comparison to Wagner’s Rheingold opera, which serves as the base for the dialogue between the father Wotan and daughter Brünnhilde. This article examines intertextualities with the story of the National Socialist Underground, an extremist right-wing group that committed hate-crime murders and bank robberies, and with the exploitative history of workers, particularly women, in capitalist systems. Jelinek compares the National Socialist Underground’s attempt to violently rid Germany of non-ethnic Germans with Siegfried’s mythical fight as dragon slayer in the Nibelungenlied that created a hero who has been cast as a German identity figure for an ethnonational narrative and fascist ideas in twenty-first-century Germany.


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