Homemade Pornography and the Proliferation of Queer Pleasure in East Germany

2022 ◽  
Vol 2022 (142) ◽  
pp. 93-109
Author(s):  
Kyle Frackman

Abstract Like other Eastern Bloc countries, East Germany sought to control even its citizens’ leisure time in the 1960s and 1970s, with the goal of making it useful or at least not subversive to state interests. Certain hobbies, like amateur photography, found support from the state in the form of increased access to equipment and supplies. Other scholarship has shown that sex was a locus of privacy and self-assertion in a society with a high degree of surveillance and state control. Focusing on a previously unanalyzed collection of erotic photographs of men, the article argues, first, that the support for amateur photography makes the state an unwitting participant in the creation and circulation of these illicit images and, second, that the images are an archive of queer men’s self-presentation and critique in a context wherein their existence and affect are transgressive.

Author(s):  
K. L. Datta

The first four decades of planning are characterized by rigid state control and regulation on economic activities. This period witnessed the syndrome of low savings–investment and low growth rate. This chapter makes a crtitical assessment of the features of planning and concludes that the state control and regulation retarded the growth rate in this period, especially in industries. Observing that the policies in this four-decade period traversed from forceful attempts by the state to capture the commanding heights of the economy and nationalization of private enterprises in the 1960s and 1970s to initiate measures to widen the scope of the private sector and extending its area of operation in economic activities in the 1980s, it goes on to detail some of the events, which placed the Indian economy on a sound footing despite the average growth rate being low.


Author(s):  
Aled Davies

The aim of this book has been to evaluate the relationship between Britain’s financial sector, based in the City of London, and the social democratic economic strategy of post-war Britain. The central argument presented in the book was that changes to the City during the 1960s and 1970s undermined a number of the key post-war social democratic techniques designed to sustain and develop a modern industrial economy. Financial institutionalization weakened the state’s ability to influence investment, and the labour movement was unable successfully to integrate the institutionalized funds within a renewed social democratic economic agenda. The post-war settlement in banking came under strain in the 1960s as new banking and credit institutions developed that the state struggled to manage. This was exacerbated by the decision to introduce competition among the clearing banks in 1971, which further weakened the state’s capacity to control the provision and allocation of credit to the real economy. The resurrection of an unregulated global capital market, centred on London, overwhelmed the capacity of the state to pursue domestic-focused macroeconomic policies—a problem worsened by the concurrent collapse of the Bretton Woods international monetary system. Against this background, the fundamental social democratic assumption that national prosperity could be achieved only through industry-led growth and modernization was undermined by an effective campaign to reconceptualize Britain as a fundamentally financial and commercial nation with the City of London at its heart....


2001 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 180-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trudie Coker

The contradictory goals of state capital accumulation and redistribution eventually led to the demise of corporatism in Venezuela and probably in much of Latin America. When the Venezuelan state was at its zenith of intervention in the economy, it globalized accumulation via foreign debt. Rather than emphasize accumulation and redistribution as it had during the 1960s and 1970s, accumulation to service the debt became the state's central goal by the 1980s. Declining oil prices by the early 1980s highlighted the weakness of a state caught in the grips of antithetical demands from labor and an increasingly impoverished population, on the one hand, and private capital demanding debt repayment, on the other hand. By definition, corporatism creates a dependency between the state and organized labor. Historically, labor depended on the state for economic subsidies, and the state relied on labor to maintain legitimacy. By the late 1990s, lack of labor autonomy literally dragged labor down with a state drowning in debt and incapacitated by lack of legitimacy. While corporatism is more a relic of things past, the positive implications of increasing labor autonomy are dismal as organized labor has been disarticulated and the democratic state is all but a skeleton.


2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-263
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Surovell

In their assessments during the 1960s and 1970s of the state of affairs of Third World “revolutionary democracies” and nations that had taken the “non-capitalist road to development,” the Soviets employed a mode of analysis based on the “correlation of forces.” Given the seeming successes of these “revolutionary democracies” and the appearance of new ones, Moscow was clearly heartened by the apparent tilt in favor of the Soviets and of “progressive” humanity more generally. These apparently positive trends were reflected in Soviet perspectives and policies on the Third World, which focused confidently on such “progressive” regimes. Nonetheless, so-called “reactionary” regimes continued to be a thorn in the side of Soviet policy makers. This study offers a fresh examination of the Soviet analyses of, and policies towards three “reactionary” Third-World regimes: the military dictatorship in Brazil, the Pinochet dictatorship of Chile, and Iran during the reign of the Shah. The article reveals that Soviet decision makers and analysts identified the state sector as the central factor in the “progressive” development of the Third World. Hence the state sector became the focal point for their analyses and the touchstone for Soviet policies; the promotion of the state sector was regarded as a key to the Soviet objective of promoting the “genuine independence” of Third World countries from imperialist domination.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 165-185
Author(s):  
Rafał Niedźwiadek ◽  
◽  
Andrzej Rozwałka ◽  

The aim of the article is to present the state of the research conducted on the remains of a medieval stronghold on Grodzisko Hill, also known as Kirkut Hill (due to the Jewish cemetery from the late Middle Ages and early modern period located on its top), as well as to show the latest approach to dating the remains of the stronghold and its role in the medieval Lublin agglomeration. Archaeological research carried out on the hill and at its foot in the 1960s and 1970s was of limited range due to the existence of the Jewish cemetery. However, it can be considered that they provided an amount of data that enables the reconstruction of stratigraphy of the stronghold and recognition of the structure of its rampart running along the edge of the hill. After many discussions, both among historians and Lublin archaeologists, a certain consensus regarding the chronology and the function of the former stronghold on Grodzisko Hill has now been reached. It seems that it was in the 13th century that the stronghold was built and, then, before the century ended, it was destroyed. It coexisted with an older structure – probably built in the 12th century – namely the castellan stronghold on Zamkowe Hill. Recent research indicates that during the second half of 13th century, or at the turn of the 13th and 14th centuries, a new line of ramparts was built on Staromiejskie Hill. This is how three parts of the Lublin agglomeration were distinguished. Perhaps, in this structure, the stronghold on Kirkut Hill could have functioned as a guard post for a part of the long-distance route located in the area of today’s Kalinowszczyzna Street. The 13th century, and especially its second half, was the time of numerous Yotvingian, Lithuanian, Mongolian, Ruthenian and Tatar invasions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-196
Author(s):  
Jasna Požgan ◽  
◽  
Ivana Posedi ◽  

The article deals with issues of agricultural cooperatives in the regions of Međimurje and Koprivnička Podravina between 1945 and 1953, and their reorganisation. The reorganisation itself had a large impact on creation of the archival collection of the agricultural cooperatives. Agricultural cooperatives were established in 1945 and in the 1950s and were active through the 1960s when they were abolished. Their records were acquired by the State Archives in Varaždin during the 1960s and 1970s. While about 30 archival fonds of agricultural cooperatives are preserved in the State Archives for Međimurje, only a few are preserved in the State Archives in Varaždin, Collective Center Koprivnica. The importance of such fonds lies in the fact that records provide information about agricultural production in a certain territory and information about its management.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-108
Author(s):  
EMRE BALIKÇI

This article aims to shed light on the early history of small-scale capital in Turkey. Turkey’s paradigm of development in the 1960s and 1970s, as in other belatedly industrializing countries, meant active state involvement, generally in favor of big capital. This emphasis on the large players has caused small capital’s influence on the era’s state policies to be largely overlooked. This article argues that small capital, popularized in the 1990s with the concept “Anatolian capital,” has deeper roots in Turkish economic and business history than formerly thought.


2016 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gladys McCormick

In December 1969, former President Lázaro Cárdenas sent a letter to political prisoners in the Lecumberri federal penitentiary in Mexico City, assuring them that he would continue to lobby for their release. In October 1973, Michoacán university students marching in front of the state government building in Morelia held up placards demanding the release of political prisoners. On June 29, 1974, Lucio Cabañas, guerrilla leader of the Partido de los Pobres (Party of the Poor) in the mountains of Guerrero, released a communiqué in which the group's first demand was the release of political prisoners. In its founding document from March 1973, the Liga Comunista 23 de Septiembre (LC-23S), an urban-based guerrilla group responsible for more than 60 direct-action operations, made it clear that political prisoners were one of the costs of carrying out a revolution and, as such, would not distract from its broader mission. These are just some of the references to the imprisonment of activists during the height of what is considered Mexico's dirty war. Taken together, the many references to political prisoners suggest that being held captive by the state was a common threat and, in some cases, a reality in the lives of those challenging the authoritarian government in the 1960s and 1970s.


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