scholarly journals The Last Door: Political Prisoners and the Use of Torture in Mexico's Dirty War

2016 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gladys McCormick
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Direct Action ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
Dirty War ◽  
Authoritarian Government ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Many ◽  
Lazaro Cardenas

In December 1969, former President Lázaro Cárdenas sent a letter to political prisoners in the Lecumberri federal penitentiary in Mexico City, assuring them that he would continue to lobby for their release. In October 1973, Michoacán university students marching in front of the state government building in Morelia held up placards demanding the release of political prisoners. On June 29, 1974, Lucio Cabañas, guerrilla leader of the Partido de los Pobres (Party of the Poor) in the mountains of Guerrero, released a communiqué in which the group's first demand was the release of political prisoners. In its founding document from March 1973, the Liga Comunista 23 de Septiembre (LC-23S), an urban-based guerrilla group responsible for more than 60 direct-action operations, made it clear that political prisoners were one of the costs of carrying out a revolution and, as such, would not distract from its broader mission. These are just some of the references to the imprisonment of activists during the height of what is considered Mexico's dirty war. Taken together, the many references to political prisoners suggest that being held captive by the state was a common threat and, in some cases, a reality in the lives of those challenging the authoritarian government in the 1960s and 1970s.

Reconstructing the Collective Memory of Mexico’s Dirty War

2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 124-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Mendoza García
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
The State ◽  
Unresolved Issue ◽  
Dirty War ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Siglo Xx ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

A silenced and forgotten period of the Mexican past is that of the dirty war unleashed by the state against social movements in the second half of the twentieth century, especially the guerrillas and suspected guerrillas of the 1960s and 1970s. The dirty war is an unresolved issue in terms of memory, acknowledgment, and justice for those who suffered violence at the hands of those in power. An account of part of this period that reconstructs the ideologization, clandestine detention, and torture suffered by victims of this dirty war from the perspective of collective memory contributes to filling the gap in knowledge about this period. La guerra sucia desatada por el estado mexicano en contra de los movimientos sociales en la segunda mitad del siglo XX (especialmente en contra de las guerrillas y las supuestas guerrillas de los años 60 y 70) es un periodo silenciado y olvidado del pasado mexicano. Esta guerra sucia es un asunto pendiente en términos de memoria, reconocimiento y justicia para aquellos que sufrieron la violencia a manos del poder establecido. Un relato de una parte de este período que desde la perspectiva de la memoria colectiva reconstruya la ideologización, la detención clandestina y la tortura que sufrieron las víctimas de la guerra sucia servirá para llenar las lagunas en el conocimiento sobre este período.

Conclusion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aled Davies
Keyword(s):  
International Monetary System ◽  
The State ◽  
Real Economy ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Monetary System ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
City Of London ◽  
The City

The aim of this book has been to evaluate the relationship between Britain’s financial sector, based in the City of London, and the social democratic economic strategy of post-war Britain. The central argument presented in the book was that changes to the City during the 1960s and 1970s undermined a number of the key post-war social democratic techniques designed to sustain and develop a modern industrial economy. Financial institutionalization weakened the state’s ability to influence investment, and the labour movement was unable successfully to integrate the institutionalized funds within a renewed social democratic economic agenda. The post-war settlement in banking came under strain in the 1960s as new banking and credit institutions developed that the state struggled to manage. This was exacerbated by the decision to introduce competition among the clearing banks in 1971, which further weakened the state’s capacity to control the provision and allocation of credit to the real economy. The resurrection of an unregulated global capital market, centred on London, overwhelmed the capacity of the state to pursue domestic-focused macroeconomic policies—a problem worsened by the concurrent collapse of the Bretton Woods international monetary system. Against this background, the fundamental social democratic assumption that national prosperity could be achieved only through industry-led growth and modernization was undermined by an effective campaign to reconceptualize Britain as a fundamentally financial and commercial nation with the City of London at its heart....

Reciprocal narratives in Que bom te ver viva (Lúcia Murat, 1989)

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-183
Author(s):  
Patrícia Sequeira Brás
Keyword(s):  
Historical Narrative ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
Fictional Character ◽  
Consciousness Raising ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military ◽  
Feminist Practice

Directed by Brazilian filmmaker Lúcia Murat, Que bom te ver viva [How nice to see you alive] (1989) interlaces the testimonies of eight female political prisoners with a monologue voiced by an anonymous female fictional character. All allude to the experience of torture under the military dictatorial regime in Brazil. Given that Murat was a militant student imprisoned and tortured during the dictatorship, the film appears to have an autobiographical motivation. I argue, however, that the interlacing of fictional monologue and ‘real’ testimonies effaces this motivation. Rather, the intersection between fictional and testimonial accounts offers a reciprocal recognition between interviewees and filmmaker, allowing for the inscription of these individual stories into the historical narrative. I also argue that this reciprocal recognition is anchored in the feminist practice of storytelling, practised in consciousness-raising feminist groups in the 1960s and 1970s. Adriana Cavarero’s philosophy of narration underpins my analysis.

6. Winning strategies

2017 ◽  
pp. 76-96
Author(s):  
Tristram D. Wyatt
Keyword(s):  
Kin Selection ◽  
Behavioural Ecology ◽  
Economic Decisions ◽  
Winning Strategies ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
Evolution Of Eusociality ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Many

The field of behavioural ecology, developed in the 1960s and 1970s, offered new ideas and provided powerful ways of exploring how behaviour evolves. Behavioural ecology examines how the evolution of behaviour is related to an individual’s chance of survival or reproductive success. ‘Winning strategies’ considers the many successes of behavioural ecology in explaining different animal behaviours: the economic decisions made by certain species when feeding or during reproduction; the role of the sexes in parental care; mating systems; sperm competition and cryptic female choice; sexual conflict; altruistic behaviour; kin selection theory; cooperative breeding; and the evolution of eusociality.

Globalization and Corporatism: The Growth and Decay of Organized Labor in Venezuela, 1900–1998

2001 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 180-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trudie Coker
Keyword(s):  
Capital Accumulation ◽  
Foreign Debt ◽  
The State ◽  
Organized Labor ◽  
Private Capital ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
State Capital ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The One

The contradictory goals of state capital accumulation and redistribution eventually led to the demise of corporatism in Venezuela and probably in much of Latin America. When the Venezuelan state was at its zenith of intervention in the economy, it globalized accumulation via foreign debt. Rather than emphasize accumulation and redistribution as it had during the 1960s and 1970s, accumulation to service the debt became the state's central goal by the 1980s. Declining oil prices by the early 1980s highlighted the weakness of a state caught in the grips of antithetical demands from labor and an increasingly impoverished population, on the one hand, and private capital demanding debt repayment, on the other hand. By definition, corporatism creates a dependency between the state and organized labor. Historically, labor depended on the state for economic subsidies, and the state relied on labor to maintain legitimacy. By the late 1990s, lack of labor autonomy literally dragged labor down with a state drowning in debt and incapacitated by lack of legitimacy. While corporatism is more a relic of things past, the positive implications of increasing labor autonomy are dismal as organized labor has been disarticulated and the democratic state is all but a skeleton.

Soviet Perspectives and Policies toward Reactionary Regimes in the Developing World

2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-263
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Surovell
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
Focal Point ◽  
The State ◽  
State Sector ◽  
Progressive Development ◽  
The Third ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The Third World

In their assessments during the 1960s and 1970s of the state of affairs of Third World “revolutionary democracies” and nations that had taken the “non-capitalist road to development,” the Soviets employed a mode of analysis based on the “correlation of forces.” Given the seeming successes of these “revolutionary democracies” and the appearance of new ones, Moscow was clearly heartened by the apparent tilt in favor of the Soviets and of “progressive” humanity more generally. These apparently positive trends were reflected in Soviet perspectives and policies on the Third World, which focused confidently on such “progressive” regimes. Nonetheless, so-called “reactionary” regimes continued to be a thorn in the side of Soviet policy makers. This study offers a fresh examination of the Soviet analyses of, and policies towards three “reactionary” Third-World regimes: the military dictatorship in Brazil, the Pinochet dictatorship of Chile, and Iran during the reign of the Shah. The article reveals that Soviet decision makers and analysts identified the state sector as the central factor in the “progressive” development of the Third World. Hence the state sector became the focal point for their analyses and the touchstone for Soviet policies; the promotion of the state sector was regarded as a key to the Soviet objective of promoting the “genuine independence” of Third World countries from imperialist domination.

Fly Until You Die

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chia Youyee Vang
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Forced Migration ◽  
The United States ◽  
Complex Nature ◽  
Social Fabric ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Many

The Vietnam War is the subject of hundreds of scholarly studies, policy reports, memoirs, and literary titles. As America’s longest and most controversial war, it coincided with domestic turmoil in the United States and in Southeast Asia, led to the displacement of large numbers of people, and strained the social fabric of Cambodian, Lao, and Vietnamese societies. The complex nature of the war means that despite the many books that have been written about it, much remains to unfold, in particular the experiences of ethnic minorities in Laos who became entangled in Cold War politics during the 1960s and 1970s. This book fills the gap by exploring the dramatic forces of history that drew several dozen young Hmong men to become fighter pilots in the United States’ Secret War in Laos, which was in direct support of the larger war in Vietnam. They transformed from ethnic minorities who mostly lived on the margins of Lao society to daring airmen working alongside American pilots. After four decades in exile, surviving pilots, families of those killed in action, and American veterans who worked with them collectively narrated their version of the historical events that resulted in the forced migration of nearly 150,000 Hmong to the United States. By privileging Hmong knowledge, this book begs us to reconsider the war from overlooked perspectives and to engage in the ongoing construction of meanings of war and postwar memories in shaping ethnic and national identities.

Education in the Eighties

1980 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Keppel
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
State Government ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Federal Programs ◽  
State And Local ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right

In the 1980s individual states will probably continue to have the major responsibility for education in this country. While the federal government may increase the percentage it contributes to the total costs of education, it will continue to be the junior partner in the enterprise, though one with increasing influence. This junior partner today places more demands on state government than its financial contribution seems to warrant. Conventional wisdom acquired in the 1960s and 1970s suggests that the federal government has set the right agenda on such issues as civil rights, poverty, and policies for minority groups and the handicapped—issues which state governments have generally neglected. But, under the Constitution, the federal government has not had the power to carry out its wishes for education without state and local cooperation. In fact, we often forget that a state's willingness to administer programs effectively is the key to the success of federal programs.

scholarly journals The stronghold on Kirkut Hill in Lublin. The state of recognition of the remains of the former stronghold and its role in the medieval Lublin agglomeration

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 165-185
Author(s):  
Rafał Niedźwiadek ◽  
◽  
Andrzej Rozwałka ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Early Modern Period ◽  
Limited Range ◽  
The State ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Late Middle Ages ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Hill

The aim of the article is to present the state of the research conducted on the remains of a medieval stronghold on Grodzisko Hill, also known as Kirkut Hill (due to the Jewish cemetery from the late Middle Ages and early modern period located on its top), as well as to show the latest approach to dating the remains of the stronghold and its role in the medieval Lublin agglomeration. Archaeological research carried out on the hill and at its foot in the 1960s and 1970s was of limited range due to the existence of the Jewish cemetery. However, it can be considered that they provided an amount of data that enables the reconstruction of stratigraphy of the stronghold and recognition of the structure of its rampart running along the edge of the hill. After many discussions, both among historians and Lublin archaeologists, a certain consensus regarding the chronology and the function of the former stronghold on Grodzisko Hill has now been reached. It seems that it was in the 13th century that the stronghold was built and, then, before the century ended, it was destroyed. It coexisted with an older structure – probably built in the 12th century – namely the castellan stronghold on Zamkowe Hill. Recent research indicates that during the second half of 13th century, or at the turn of the 13th and 14th centuries, a new line of ramparts was built on Staromiejskie Hill. This is how three parts of the Lublin agglomeration were distinguished. Perhaps, in this structure, the stronghold on Kirkut Hill could have functioned as a guard post for a part of the long-distance route located in the area of today’s Kalinowszczyzna Street. The 13th century, and especially its second half, was the time of numerous Yotvingian, Lithuanian, Mongolian, Ruthenian and Tatar invasions.

The Context of State Policy Policymaking

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert C. Lowry
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
State Policy ◽  
Government Spending ◽  
Final Section ◽  
Contextual Factors ◽  
External Constraints ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

In this chapter the author examines the forces shaping state polices, some of which create great diversity among them. He outlines a framework for analysis that focuses on four types of contextual factors: external constraints, resources, preferences, and institutions. Although some evidence indicates that resources, preferences, and at least one type of policy output—the scale of state government spending—did converge during the 1960s and 1970s, little or no further convergence has occurred since about 1980. The author then discusses each set of factors in turn, seeking to identify reasons for continued diversity in state policy outputs. The final section identifies areas where further research might be particularly useful and interesting.

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