scholarly journals Παρατηρήσεις στη χρήση των υστερορωμαϊκών πήλινων ενσφράγιστων "ιγδίων": η περίπτωση των ιγδίων από τη Βόρειο Συρία

2008 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Αναστασία Γ. ΓΙΑΓΚΑΚΗ

OBSERVATIONS ON THE USE OF LATE ROMAN IMPRESSED CLAY MORTARS: THE CASE OF “NORTH-SYRIAN MORTARIA” Mortars made of clay were largely diffused and used during the Roman Empire. This article focuses on a specific category of clay mortars, identified by their region of manufacture as “North-Syrian Mortaria”. This category, dated to the end of the 3rd and to the first half of the 4th century A.D., was largely diffused in the eastern Mediterranean. This study, after presenting the main characteristics of these mortars (shape, decoration, fabric, production centers, dating, distribution), addresses questions regarding their use. Traditionally, roman mortars were used in order to process (pound, pulverize, grind, mix) either solid or liquid/fluid products related to sustenance. Written sources as well as archaeological evidence support these uses. However, this study attempts to point out that they could also have a more specialised use, connected to the requirements of specific, well-organized workshops. This could be the case of the “North-Syrian Mortaria”. Regardless of the limited data concerning the exact archaeological context in which this type of mortar is found, the case-studies of mortars of this category found in Jalame, in ancient Messene and Olympia support this opinion.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric C. De Sena

This volume springs from the symposium Africa and the Danubian Provinces of the Roman Empire which was held in Timișoara on July 29-30, 2018. It uses case studies to discuss the Egyptian and African military and civilian presence in the Danubian provinces, the Egyptian and African influences manifested at the level of material culture, religion and magic, as well as the presence of the inhabitants of the Danubian provinces in the North African region of the Roman Empire and Egypt.


1975 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. S. Painter

SummaryIn 1971 the British Museum bought a fourth-century silver spoon with Christian symbols. An undated document acquired with the spoon showed that it was the survivor of a hoard from Biddulph, Staffordshire. In 1973 notes made in January 1886, about the discovery of the spoon, were found in a notebook compiled by A. W. Franks. The newly acquired spoon proves to have been one of a hoard of four spoons found at Whitemore Farm, Biddulph. The find-place of the spoon suggests a possible direct link between Chester and Buxton, while its dating adds to the sparse testimony for late-Roman life in the north-west of the province. The style of the lettering may indicate that the spoon was made in the East Mediterranean, and the Christian symbolism adds to the stock of evidence about the cult in the western Roman Empire.


Kulturstudier ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vivi Lena Andersen

<p><strong>The uncleanliness of landfill culture in 18th-century Copenhagen</strong></p> <p>After the discovery of an 18th-century landfill that contained a diversity of well-preserved objects discarded by Copenhageners, about 30 archaeological surveys have since been conducted at a site in the north-central part of the city. This coastal district, called Frederiksstaden, is now known for its prominent mansions and the home of the Danish royal family, but its function as a landfill is rarely mentioned as a phenomenon in stories about the area. From studying the excavated items, this article seeks to explore how they reflect the trash culture during Copenhagen’s Age of Absolutism, as well as to describe the landfill’s appearance and when the need for it arose.</p> <p>Using the archaeological source material as a base, the study also examined geotechnical, written, cartographic, iconographic and natural-scientific sources in order to achieve a more nuanced understanding of the landfill and to reflect on how the different sources relate to each other. This article argues that getting citizens to adapt to the new system of trash management was a long and challenging process; e.g., according to written sources, the landfill was only supposed to receive household garbage and sweepings from the city’s streets, but the archaeological evidence shows that human waste from latrines was also disposed of there. Other trash items found in the landfill exhibit signs of extensive reuse before having been discarded, which supports statements from other sources.</p> <p>The most obvious sources for information about the appearance of the landfill – specifically, 18th-century cartography and art – proved not to be worthwhile. Instead, archaeological evidence and written sources provided a better image of the swampy conditions that caused the terrain to even out over time – a process that began in this area during the second half of the 17th century. The need for a centrally-controlled framework to manage garbage seems to be connected to the development of a permanent settlement, the new system of matriculation, an emphasis on ownership and overall population growth, which included the fear and nuisance of disease. This resulted in using a coastal area as a landfill – an area where aristocratic mansions were also built during Copenhagen’s Age of Absolutism.</p>


Lampas ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-281
Author(s):  
Marenne Zandstra

Summary The forts and surrounding villages situated on the Lower German Limes were inhabited by people with very diverse ethno-cultural backgrounds. They came from all corners of the Roman Empire, and beyond, to the north-western frontier. In this article four case studies are put in the spotlight to illustrate the high rate of cultural diversity among these military communities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patryk Chudzik

The recent works in the 2017 season at the North Asasif Necropolis have led to the discovery of Middle Kingdom burial assemblages, as well as funerary equipment dated to the Third Intermediate Period. Besides the cleaning work conducted in the funerary complex of Meru revealed more materials from the Late Roman Era, which proves the existence of the coptic hermitage inside the tomb. This new archaeological evidence provides an important insight into the development of the North Asasif Necropolis during the Pharaonic era and in later periods. The fourth season of the archaeological fieldwork at the site focused on seven Middle Kingdom funerary complexes: tomb of Khety (TT 311), MMA 509, MMA 511, MMA 512, MMA 514, MMA 515 and tomb of Meru (TT 240).


Author(s):  
Angelos Chaniotis ◽  
Antonis Kotsonas

The island of Crete holds a special position in classical studies, primarily as the birthplace of the earliest “high culture” in Europe: the Minoan civilization of the Bronze Age. But in addition to the artistic and cultural achievements of the “Minoans,” Crete is the only Greek region whose history can be studied on the basis of written sources (Egyptian hieroglyphic documents, Linear B texts, Greek literary sources and inscriptions), almost continually from c. 1400 bce to Late Antiquity. It is the first Greek area where script was used (Cretan hieroglyphics, Linear A, and Linear B); and being an island with a diverse landscape, in relative proximity to mainland Greece but strategically located in the center of the eastern Mediterranean, it offers interesting paradigms for the study of ancient political organization, society, and culture in changing historical contexts. Understandably, Minoan Crete has been studied more intensely than later periods of Cretan history. This is not a bibliography of Minoan archaeology and art history. Although it attempts to cover Cretan history from the processes that led to the appearance of the palaces (c. 2000 bce) to Late Antiquity (c. 5th century ce), it places more emphasis on the periods of Cretan history for which written sources exist. This bibliography does not always follow the traditional periodization of Greek history and art history because it corresponds to the periods of Cretan history. The “Cretan Renaissance” (c. 900–630), roughly the Geometric, Orientalizing, and Early Archaic periods of art history, is taken here as a single period, in which Crete was a pioneer in art and culture. A major change occurred around 630 bce: trade and the arts did not disappear but lost their innovative power, and Cretan institutions seem to petrify; the Late Archaic and Classical periods are therefore taken as a single unit (c. 630–c. 336 bce). In the remaining centuries Crete kept pace with the rest of the Greek world, first integrated in the Hellenistic world (c. 336–67 bce) and then in the Roman Empire (67 bce–284 ce); finally, Late Antiquity (c. 284–mid-7th century ce) is clearly defined through Diocletian’s reforms and the advance of Christianity, and the beginning of the Arab raids.


2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 535-586 ◽  
Author(s):  
Archibald Dunn

A history of the countryside in Late Antiquity that speaks of real terrains or regions, and thus confronts the shortcomings of written sources, remains elusive. Strategies based upon archaeology allow progress, but interpretation of the results remains problematic. However, if we collate the results of all kinds of fieldwork, the archaeology of Late Roman Macedonia now offers several case-studies which allow us to examine the forms and distributions of rural settlements of varying status. An assessment of the relationships between these settlements and their resource bases, together with the military, fiscal, and urban institutions with which they interacted, allows a re-evaluation of general histories of the countryside and ultimately of ‘the city’.


Author(s):  
Е.А. Mekhamadiev ◽  

Since 325 A. D., when the Emperor Constantine the Great established a self-sufficient and single expeditionary army of the Roman Empire (previously, before 353, it constantly had stood in Thrace, but then it was split in some smaller military groups), military units of this army have interacted to units of frontier armies during many military campaigns. But epigraphic data from the Lower Danube regions (the provinces of Lower Moesia and Dacia Ripensis (River)) give a chance to trace one another way of interaction, which was an absolutely disregarded before. The author means a food supply of frontier units from the provinces where the expeditionary troops (or imperial bodyguards) had their service. The inscriptions covered by this paper contain evidence about two important Danube frontier legions, that are I Italica (Lower Moesia) and V Macedonica (Dacia Ripensis (River)), which received a food from the Roman Near East provinces (the author means Hellespontus at the North-West of the Asia Minor and Syria Foenice and Syria Palestina just at the Persian frontier), but not from the Danube regions. As the author supposes, the reason of such a way of supply was that some military units (vexillations) detached from the staff of the Danube frontier legions served within the Near East Roman provinces, these vexillations moved at the Near East during the time of the Tetrarchy (293–324) or the sole reign of Constantine the Great (324–337). After their relocation to the Near East, vexillations of the Danube frontier legions have never returned in their home Danube provinces, in contrast, they were parts of the Near East expeditionary armies. But, as a matter of award for diminishing of their staff, the Danube frontier («maternal») legions received a food from the provinces, where their «child» vexillations located and served.


2019 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 421-438 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo José Peralta Labrador ◽  
Jorge Camino Mayor ◽  
Jesús Francisco Torres-Martínez

Over the centuries, Spanish historiography has attached great importance to the wars that Octavian launched at the start of the last third of the 1st c. B.C. against the population in the north of the Iberian peninsula. In this way he intended to bring an end to the long conquest of Iberia that had begun two centuries earlier in the hegemonic struggle with Carthage. Although the wars previously attracted the attention of European scholars, today they play little part in the historiography of the Early Roman Empire and even less in the biographies of Augustus, who suffered some of his worst military fortunes in this war, putting his very life in danger (Suet., Aug. 29.3 and 81.1; Hor., Carm. 3.14; Dio 53.25.5-7; Oros. 6.21.4). Even Departments of Ancient History in Spanish universities have failed to progress beyond well-worn exegesis of the written sources. This is because until just two decades ago all the information came from two historical sources: Florus and Orosius, on the one hand, and Dio Cassius, on the other (the relevant books of Livy being lost). Although they stress the importance of the conflict, these sources are excessively laconic; they have also been subjected to erudite speculations about place-names that have turned the military campaigns into a series of historiographic fictions.1


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