THE ROLE OF MASS MEDIA INSTITUTE AS THE MAIN COMMUNICATOR BETWEEN CIVIL SOCIETY AND GOVERNMENT INSTITUTIONS

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 82-88
Author(s):  
Бударина ◽  
Kseniya Budarina

The article analyzes the problems of interaction between media, pub-lic authorities and civil society to provide positive models of integration of the Russian youth in the political sphere of the society. The importance of the principles underlying the basis of the constructive dialogue between institutions of state and institutional structures of civil society is substanti-ated. The author’s viewpoint of the efficiency of modern media to serve public control is presented. The importance of ensuring priority in the field of information requests of civil society, including youth social cohort is re-ported. The obvious facts are given proving that media information field is intended to reflect compliance with the political views of young people to political reality. The author makes suggestions on optimizing the impact of media in-formation on the process of integration of the youth in socio-political prac-tices of the Russian society.

Author(s):  
Serhii O. Komnatnyi ◽  
Oleg S. Sheremet ◽  
Viacheslav E. Suslykov ◽  
Kateryna S. Lisova ◽  
Stepan D. Svorak

The article deals with the mechanism of impact of sociopsychological phenomena such as the national character and the political mentality in the construction and functioning of civil society. It aims to show the impact of climate, religion, and the perception of happiness on the state of civil society through details of a national nature. The main research method is to compare data from global research on the state of civil society with data from climatic conditions, dominant religions, and happiness indices. The article proves coincidently that these factors are reflected in such essential characteristics of civil society as "openness" and "closed-mindedness". The interaction between the national character and the construction of civil society has two stages. It is concluded that the results obtained are important to evaluate the prospects for the construction and development of civil society in different countries and regions of the world. Further research in this direction involves the study of other aspects of the impact of national character and political mindset on the functioning of civil society.


Author(s):  
Adeel Malik ◽  
Rinchan Mirza

This chapter studies the role of religious elites in shaping the politics of development. It argues that the impact of Islam on economic development can be strongly conditioned by history and expressed through an interplay with formal institutional structures. Using insights from an ongoing project on the political economy of shrines in Pakistan (Malik and Mirza 2018), we show how regions with a greater presence of historically significant Muslim shrines experienced a more retarded growth of literacy after General Zia-ul-Haq’s military coup in 1977. These empirical patterns are explained by the historical aversion of shrine-based religious elites to education and their greater ability to suppress education in the wake of the 1977 military coup, which brought shrine elites to greater political prominence and gave elected politicians direct control over public goods provision. The chapter concludes by discussing the entry and persistence of shrine elites in electoral politics and drawing out its implications for the study of Islam and development.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 34-43
Author(s):  
M. Gagarina

The article describes what indicators of the condition of society are used in Russia and abroad. Publications in which happiness, subjective economic well-being, life satisfaction, subjective quality of life and others are considered in this capacity, are reviewed. The question of the role of personality traits in assessing the situation in the country is raised, as well as the impact of these assessments on the economic behaviour of citizens. The results of the empirical study of 260 subjects using questionnaires, which include questions about the political, psychological, social, economic situation in the country, economic behaviour and psycho-diagnostic tests, are presented. The interrelations of assessments of the political and psychological situation in the country with personal traits and debt behaviour are revealed. Extraversion and openness to experience are negatively, and conscientiousness is positively interconnected with positive assessments of the state of the Russian society. The differences in assessments of the state of the Russian society among respondents with different investment preferences are described.


2021 ◽  
pp. 347-360
Author(s):  
M. A. Vasilchenko ◽  
J. Vaculik

The article is devoted to the study of the political activity of one of the prominent figures of the Czech and Slovak national movement Bohdan Pavlu, who played a significant role in the Civil War in Russia. The material was documents of personal origin and official documents containing information on the activities of sCzech-Slovak organizations in Russia. The author pays attention to the evolution of political views of B. Pavlu, his attitude to the tsarist government. It is shown how external circumstances influenced the support of the course of T. G. Masaryk. Particular attention is paid to the activities of B. Pavlu during the Civil War in Russia. The novelty of the research is due to the fact that for the first time the socio-political views of one of the leaders of the Czech national movement in Russia are comprehensively studied. The relevance of the study is due to the lack of consensus in Russian society on the role of foreign intervention in the events of 1917—1922. It is proved that B. Pavlu’s activities contributed to the consolidation of the Czech and Slovak national movement in Russia. It is emphasized that it was he who formulated the concept of “Czechoslovakia”, which formed the basis for the idea of creating a single state for the two peoples.


Author(s):  
Rudenkin Rudenkin ◽  
Alexei Loginov

The article is devoted to the analysis of the specific role of ideology in the political reality of late modern society. The authors describe a notable contradiction between a steady interest of social science to the competition of ideas of the development of society and the growing doubts of the applicability of classical theories of ideology for describing and comprehending such a competition. The theoretical analysis of contemporary social theory shows that ideology can be described as an action-oriented system of beliefs, and that there are different views on the status of such systems in the political reality of late modern society. During the theoretical analysis, the authors conclude that the idea of the disappearance of ideology from the political process of late modern society has an important conceptual argumentation, but it does not find any cogent empirical evidence. It is more likely that ideology does not disappear from the political reality of late modern society, but it changes to meet new social requirements. Late modern society creates special conditions for the manifestation of ideology by diversifying the information field, reducing the role of political parties, discrediting many fundamental ideological projects, and reducing the class struggle. Altogether, these conditions make ideology change, but they do not make it disappear from the political reality. This hypothesis is correlated with the data of the sociological research conducted by the authors on the case of ideological competition in Russian society before the parliamentary elections in 2016. The analysis of the data of this research shows that ideology still exists in contemporary Russian society, and allows its description as a hybrid in the value kernel and local in its rhetoric system of beliefs. Thus, the authors conclude that it is possible to describe the political processes of late modern society with using the term “ideology”. The term “ideology” which does not lose its heuristic possibilities, but requires a “reconfiguration” of the methodology of social science.


Author(s):  
Harriet Samuels

Abstract The article investigates the negative attitude towards civil society over the last decade in the United Kingdom and the repercussions for human rights. It considers this in the context of the United Kingdom government’s implementation of the policy of austerity. It reflects on the various policy and legal changes, and the impact on the campaigning and advocacy work of civil society organizations, particularly those that work on social and economic rights.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 17-39
Author(s):  
Ambassador Colin Keating

This article discusses the role of the UN Security Council during the crisis in Rwanda in 1993/94. It focuses on the peacekeeping dimensions of the Council’s involvement. It is a perspective from a practitioner, rather than an academic. It also makes some observations about whether the Rwanda crisis has had an enduring influence on Security Council practice. It does not address the impact on practical aspects of peacekeeping or on the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations.


2021 ◽  

The current political debates about climate change or the coronavirus pandemic reveal the fundamental controversial nature of expertise in politics and society. The contributions in this volume analyse various facets, actors and dynamics of the current conflicts about knowledge and expertise. In addition to examining the contradictions of expertise in politics, the book discusses the political consequences of its controversial nature, the forms and extent of policy advice, expert conflicts in civil society and culture, and the global dimension of expertise. This special issue also contains a forum including reflections on the role of expertise during the coronavirus pandemic. The volume includes perspectives from sociology, political theory, political science and law.


2021 ◽  
pp. 479-496
Author(s):  
Effie Fokas

This chapter considers the relationship between ‘Orthodoxies’ and ‘Europes’, highlighting the multiplicity of Eastern Christian Orthodox approaches and attitudes towards Europe, from one majority Orthodox national context to another and one historical period to another, ranging from anti-Europeanism (and anti-Westernism) to Europhilism. It also draws attention to differences in Orthodox stances on the idea of Europe, on the one hand, and the political reality of the European unification project, on the other. A temporal perspective is particularly relevant in changing attitudes to the European Union. Special attention is paid to external perspectives on the relationship between ‘Orthodoxy’ and ‘Europe’, often politicized and influenced by the political turmoil in the Balkans. The chapter closes with reference to the situation of flux characterizing contemporary conceptions of Europe, and the impact of the latter on ‘Orthodoxy’ in relation to ‘Europe’.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kurdistan Saeed

This study deals with the political parties’ pluralism in Iraq under the Parties Law No. 36 of 2015. The importance of the study lies in the fact that it looks at a topic that is at the heart of democracy and it is necessary for the success of any democratic processes. The study focuses on parties’ pluralism in Iraq since the establishment of the Iraqi state in 1921 until the end of the Baath Party regime in 2003, it also covers the period after 2003 and pays particular attention to the Parties Law No. 36 of 2015. It focuses on the legal framework of political parties after the adoption of the Political Parties Law and studies the impact of this law on parties’ pluralism in Iraq after its approval in 2015. The study concludes that Law No. 36 of 2015 is incapable of regulating parties’ pluralism for reasons including: the lack of commitment by the political parties to the provisions of the law, the inability of the Parties Affairs Department to take measures against parties that violate the law the absence of a strong political opposition that enhances the role of political parties, the association of most Iraqi parties with foreign agendas belonging to neighboring countries, and the fact that the majority of Iraqi parties express ethnic or sectarian orientations at the expense of national identity.


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