scholarly journals Estructura mediática china: una aproximación al caso de China Central Television (CCTV).

2021 ◽  
pp. 115-130
Author(s):  
Lucía Varela Monterroso
Keyword(s):  
Methodological Approach ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Scale ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Public Television ◽  
Chinese Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Information Board ◽  
China Central Television ◽  
The Way

China’s Emerging superpower has become a key piece on the global information board in recent years. This study aims to delve into the Chinese media structure, paying special attention on the public television group China Central Television. From a diacritical perspective, one seeks to understand the crossroads underlying it; a descriptive methodological approach focused on content analysis will take an in-depth look at how the media and the administration that control them will be controlled. In 2018, the Chinese government carried out a “State institutional reform plan and the Deepening Party” whose main objective is based on improving public opinion about China on a global scale. Therefore, the transnational media conglomerate China Media Group was created. It has segmented and currently controls three Chinese media giants: on a television level, with China Central Television (CCTV) and radio with China National Radio and China Radio International. Using a historiographic methodology and the implementation of a descriptive methodological approach we will deepen into the following objectives. First, we seek to glimpse the way Chinese media organization is. It is then when we intended to know the way of control carried out by the government related to information and media and will eventually address the thematic content of Chinese public television (CCTV). The Chinese government’s desire for expansion around the world is particularly important, which aims to export Chinese singularities and thus to become a counterpoint to the single control currently exercise by the United States globally. Communication is a key point for China in this expansion.

The Case for Recognizing Peking Now—or in 1992

Worldview ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 20 (12) ◽  
pp. 4-8
Author(s):  
Gerald F. Hyman
Keyword(s):  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
General Question ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

If Secretary of State Vance's “exploratory” trip to China proved nothing else, it demonstrated once again that because our relations with Taiwan are the main obstacles to recognizing the People's Republic of China, it is Taiwan, not mainland China, that poses the main problem for American foreign policy in Asia. To a man the Chinese reiterated their conditions for establishing relations: abrogate the Mutual Defense Treaty of 1954; break diplomatic relations with Taiwan; and withdraw the American military personnel from the island. With respect to the general question of Taiwan, they all referred back to the PRC section of the Shanghai Communique (published jointly with our own):The Taiwan question is the crucial question obstructing the normalization of relations between China and the United States; the Government of the People's Republic of China is the sole legal government of China; Taiwan is a province of China which has long been returned to the motherland; the liberation of Taiwan is China's internal affair in which no other country has the right to interfere; and all U.S. forces and military installations must be withdrawn from Taiwan. The Chinese Government firmly opposes any activities which aim at the creation of “one China, two governments,” “two Chinas” and “independent Taiwan” or advocate that “the status of Taiwan remains to be determined” [The “Shanghai Communique,” February 27, 1972].

American Politics and its Debt Issue

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Balasundram Maniam
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Political System ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
The United States ◽  
Debt Level ◽  
Working Together ◽  
The Government ◽  
The U.S ◽  
The Way

The purpose of this paper is to shed some light on the on-going debate about the United States’ debt level and how U.S. lawmakers are attempting to resolve it. On the surface, it seems like they are not working together to resolve the issue, but further complicating it with various tactics, such as the government shutdown. That raises the question, “why is this the case?” to which the answer can be found through the understanding of the American political system and the way it was founded. It should be noted that many leading economists have questioned the very idea as to why we are making a big deal about the U.S. debt issue and assert that the U.S. does not have a debt crisis to begin with, and the issue is simply made up for political reasons. Many leading economists have a position on this argument and they strongly believe that their position is the correct one. The objective of this paper is to highlight those views as well as share its own view on the important topic while keeping an eye on why the U.S. political system functions the way it does.

Inter/Viewing from Afar

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 117-136
Author(s):  
Ezequiel Korin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Sense Of Belonging ◽  
Home Country ◽  
The United States ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way

Since 2003, journalists in Venezuela have been censored by the government, either directly or indirectly, through legal and paralegal means. As such, they have learned to tread carefully between self-censorship and retaliation, greatly impacting the way journalism is practiced there. This evocative autoethnography explores the experience of a recent émigré of Venezuela to the United States interviewing journalists in his former home country. The emergence of elements that rearticulate the sense of belonging in the interviewer are used as touch points to a reality presumably left behind, but ultimately lying dormant, ready to resurface at a moment’s notice.

scholarly journals Perspective: Proposed Harmonized Nutrient Reference Values for Populations

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 469-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lindsay H Allen ◽  
Alicia L Carriquiry ◽  
Suzanne P Murphy
Keyword(s):  
Reference Values ◽  
Methodological Approach ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Scale ◽  
Institute Of Medicine ◽  
Nutrient Intakes ◽  
Population Groups ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Nutrient Reference Values ◽  
Upper Level

ABSTRACT Two core nutrient intake reference values (NRVs) are required for assessing the adequacy and safety of nutrient intakes for population groups: the average requirement (AR) and the tolerable upper level of intake (UL). Applications of such assessments include providing advice to improve intakes, formulating complementary foods, estimating the amounts of nutrients to be added to fortified foods and monitoring changes in intake, and product labeling at the global, national, or regional level. However, there is a lack of unity across country-level organizations in the methodological approach used to derive NRVs, and ARs and ULs are lacking in many compilations, thus limiting the ability to assess nutrient intakes for their population groups. Because physiological requirements vary little across populations globally, and setting reference values requires determining an acceptable level of uncertainty, it is feasible to adapt current recommendations from different sources to harmonize these core reference values. The objective of this review is to demonstrate an approach for harmonizing the NRVs for ARs (here termed “H-ARs”) and ULs (“H-ULs”) that can be applied on a global scale to assessing intakes across populations. The approach incorporates the framework and terminology recommended by reports from the United Nations University, the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (NASEM), the Institute of Medicine (IOM), and the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA). After reviewing available alternatives, the proposed harmonized values were selected from standards set by EFSA (for Europe) and the IOM (for the United States and Canada), giving priority to those published most recently. Justifications for the proposed values are presented, along with discussion of their limitations. Ideally, these methods should be further reviewed by an international group of experts. Meanwhile, the H-ARs and H-ULs suggested in this review can be used to assess intakes of populations for many applications in global and regional contexts.

The Enforcement of Immigration Control in Colonial Korea and the Rise of Nationalism in the Chinese Media

2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-169
Author(s):  
Jin-A Kang (姜抮亞)
Keyword(s):  
Migrant Workers ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Colonial Korea ◽  
Chinese Media ◽  
Immigration Control ◽  
Korean People ◽  
Japanese Imperialism ◽  
Chinese Perceptions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Chinese Migrant Workers

This paper investigates how conflicts and tension built up between Chinese migrant workers and Korean residents in colonial Korea (1910-1945). This led up to the enforcement of immigration controls by the Japanese authorities and also to a change of the image of Koreans in the Chinese media. The Japanese government adopted a policy to ban Chinese laborers from mainland Japan. This policy implied also, that, by contrast, the Government General of Korea should accommodate Chinese laborers to some extent, as long as the Chinese government accepted Korean people to inhabit and cultivate Manchuria. However, the competition between Chinese and Korean laborers became stronger and the Korean resentment against Chinese wealth in Korea also deepened the emotional gap between the Koreans and the Chinese as time passed. Along with these factors, the Korean nationalistic judgment, that the Chinese authorities oppressed Korean tenant farmers in Manchuria led to the first widespread anti-Chinese riots in Korea in 1927. Furthermore, the Wanbaoshan Incident in 1931 ignited Koreans’ anti-Chinese sentiment, which resulted in bloody ethnic riots and the killing of over 100 Chinese immigrants in Korea. Subsequently Chinese perceptions changed dramatically from Koreans as oppressed victims of Japanese imperialism to their collaborators. The subsequent Mukden Incident cemented this image decisively. However, the anti-Chinese riot not only was ignited by the nationalistic sentiment agitated over Chinese oppression in Manchuria, but also stemmed from long-lasting ethnic discord in colonial Korea. (This article is in English.)

The Abrogation of British Extraterritoriality in China 1942–43: A Study of Anglo-American-Chinese Relations

1977 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-291 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. C. Chan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central China ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
South West ◽  
History Of ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
The Government ◽  
Nationalist Government ◽  
Wuhan Area

The Marco Polo Bridge Incident on 7 July 1937 has been commonly regarded as the beginning of the second Sino-Japanese war. The early days of the war were a history of rapid Japanese advances and, inversely, of the equally fast retreat of the Chinese. The Chinese Nationalist Government evacuated Nanking and moved westward to the Wuhan area in late November 1937. Central China soon became untenable in face of heavy Japanese reinforcements; the Chinese government again evacuated in October 1938, this time much further west to Chungking in Szechwan. There was no declaration of war and China clearly had the sympathy of Britain and the United States. The two countries continued to recognize the government at Chungking, under the leadership of Chiang Kai-shek, as the government of China, despite the fact that it retained control only over the south-west corner of the country. Pearl Harbor strengthened the tie of relations; the Chungking government won Britain, the United States, and the Netherlands as allies in its colossal struggle against Japan.

Freer but not free enough? Chinese journalists finding their feet in Africa

Journalism ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (8) ◽  
pp. 1049-1063 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iginio Gagliardone ◽  
Nyíri Pál
Keyword(s):  
Chinese Government ◽  
The West ◽  
Chinese Media ◽  
High Profile ◽  
The Past ◽  
Xinhua News Agency ◽  
National Media ◽  
Market Opportunities ◽  
Media Organizations ◽  
China Central Television

The high-profile appearance of Chinese media organizations in Africa has attracted considerable attention. How Chinese correspondents in Africa actually go about their work is, however, little understood. A posting in Africa gives journalists at Xinhua News Agency or China Central Television a degree of freedom not experienced in China combined with greater local visibility than a posting in the West and more market opportunities. At the same time, it carries the rather heavy responsibility to act as a pioneer of a new, distinctive global voice for China envisaged by the Chinese government. Based on interviews and observation at several Chinese media organizations in three African locations and in Beijing over the course of 3 years, this article suggests that Chinese correspondents in Africa are unable to make use of the opportunities their postings offer. While the greater investments of Chinese media in Africa have been framed to date as a challenge to their struggling competitors, in reality, journalists working for Chinese media not only feel some of the constraints that have characterized international journalism in the past decade but also face additional ones: the problem of finding and communicating a clear identity; of remaining relevant in a space where national media are growing fast and becoming more professional; of testing new styles without appealing only to a niche.

China's "Public Diplomacy" toward the United States before Pearl Harbor

2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-55
Author(s):  
Akio Tsuchida
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Direct Control ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
Private Organizations ◽  
Private Organization ◽  
The Government

AbstractAfter the outbreak of Sino-Japanese War in 1937, China sought support and sanctions against Japan from the international community, especially the United States. The government strategy encompassed both official diplomatic channels and non-state channels such as propaganda and private organizations. Drawing from materials in the United States and China, this article presents the evolution of China's "public diplomacy" toward the United States during the early years of the Sino-Japanese War. It argues: (1) China's "public diplomacy" was conducted through the International Department of Ministry of Information of the Chinese Nationalist Party under the direct control of Chiang Kai-shek. (2) Resident agents of China played an indispensable role in forming the American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression, a private organization supporting China's cause. (3) The Committee carried out intensive campaigns to bring about pro-China policies and to promote an embargo against Japan. (4) The Chinese government and its agents supported the Committee financially and organizationally until its disbandment in 1941. This article thus demonstrates that wartime China was attempting to compensate for its military weakness by manipulating American public opinion to achieve its own diplomatic goals.

Understanding China’s News Media in Historical Perspective

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sei Jeong Chin
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
The State ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
State Control ◽  
Chinese Media ◽  
State Expansion ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

The Chinese media has been discussed either as a challenge to the authoritarian regime or as an instrument to consolidate state power in the recent debates concerning the impact of the Internet and the expansion of social media on China’s authoritarian rule. Both views have adopted the framework that was developed out of the liberal model of media in the West. In the liberal model, the news media should go through full-flown commercialization to achieve autonomy and independence from the state. The independence of the news media from the state is the precondition for the news media’s role as watchdog of the state and check on the government. However, the liberal model does not fit the actual historical experiences of the news media in China. Throughout the 20th century, state control of the media expanded in the context of state-building, war, and revolution. The Chinese media did not go through full-flown commercialization to the extent that the media would achieve complete independence from the state. Rather, in the context of state expansion, the media and the state became interdependent rather than antagonistic. In the state-dominated environment, the media did not necessarily seek independence from the state. Nevertheless, even without independence, the media can still play a significant political role within the limits and boundaries set by the state. This has important implications for understanding the resilience of the contemporary Chinese government.

scholarly journals The Courses and Policy Environment of E-Commerce Development in China

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 2364-2373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yao Lin
Keyword(s):  
Manufacturing Industry ◽  
Rapid Development ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Global Scale ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Policy Environment ◽  
Unknown Risk ◽  
The Government ◽  
Traditional Manufacturing ◽  
Different Characteristics

China’s e-commerce industry has went through 21 years since China’s first e-commerce enterprise established in 1996. With the rapid development of Internet and communication technology, e-commerce has penetrated into enterprises’ production and people’s life, and continued to exert its great potential when combining with traditional manufacturing industry. There is no doubt that e-commerce has greatly increased the efficiency of society functions. This paper cards the courses and policy environment of e-commerce development in China, identifies four stages for China’s e-commerce development, which are “initial stage, accelerated stage, standardization stage and globalization stage”. At the same time, this paper describes three different characteristics of current China’s e-commerce and also summarizes five policy focus for e-commerce. Based on the previous analysis and descriptions, this paper puts forward conclusions that China's e-commerce sector will usher in a new round expansion on global scale, and the Chinese government will play a key and active role in promoting it. In addition, this paper warns these China’s e-commerce enterprises to actively prevent unknown risk from home and abroad in their business expansion, the government ought to listen to e-commerce companies to deal with their specific difficulties.

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