scholarly journals Czy Brexit przyspieszy rewizję traktatu lizbońskiego i uratuje Unię Europejską?

Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (54) ◽  
pp. 17-43
Author(s):  
Józef M. Fiszer

Does Brexit Previously Revise the Lisbon Treaty and Rescue European Union?There is no doubt that Brexit is an unprecedented event in the history of European integration and in the history of the European Union (EU). It will certainly be a turning point not only in the history of the EU, but also in Europe, and will have an impact on their place and role in the new, emerging international order. Today it is very difficult to present an accurate diagnosis, and even more, difficult to predict the future of the EU, Europe, and the whole world after Brexit. The purpose of this article is an attempt to answer a few questions, especially on the question contained in its title and to present the opportunities and threat for the European Union after Brexit. In addition, the author is trying to answer the question whether, at all, today, nine years after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, its revision is needed? Does the EU really need a new treaty? Currently, opinions on this subject are divided among researchers and experts. Many also are afraid that Brexit will be the beginning of the end of the Union, that it will lead to the so‑called diversified integration and then to its disintegration. Others believe that the Brexit may become an accelerator of the European Union’s modernization process, which will, however, require the adoption of a new revision treaty.

2018 ◽  
pp. 39-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Józef M. Fiszer

There is no doubt that Brexit is an unprecedented event in the history of European integration and the European Union (EU). It will certainly be a turning point not only in the history of the EU but also in Germany and France. It will affect their place and role in the new international order that is currently being shaped. Today, however, it is very difficult to present an accurate diagnosis, and even more difficult to predict the future of the EU, Europe and the whole world after Brexit. Currently, the opinions of researchers and experts on this subject are divided. Many fear that Brexit will be the beginning of the end of the EU and that it will lead to so-called diversified integration and then to its disintegration. Others believe that Brexit, nolens volens, may accelerate the EU’s modernisation process. This will require the adoption of a new revision treaty. This treaty will be developed under the dictation of Germany and France, which are the most influential countries in the EU.The purpose of this article is to answer a few questions, particularly what role  Germany and France can and will play in the EU after Brexit. Will these countries  again become the driving force in the process of European integration and the EU’s modernisation, or will they remain passive and contribute to the break-up of the EU? Moreover, the author intends to show the opportunities and threats for the EU  without the United Kingdom, which counterbalanced the influence of Germany and France in Europe.


Author(s):  
Roberto Dominguez ◽  
Joshua Weissman LaFrance

The history of the European Union (EU) is closely associated with the development of the United States. As the process of European integration has produced institutions and gained a collective international presence, the United States has been a close observer, partner, and often critic of the policies and actions of the EU and its member states. A steady progression of events delineates this path: the Marshall Plan, origins of European integration, the Cold War, the post–Cold War, 9/11 and its effects on the international system, the Great Recession, and the deterioration of global democracy. All throughout, the EU and the United States have both cooperated and collided with one another, in line with the combination of three main factors: (a) the evolution of the EU as an independent, international actor; (b) American strategies for engagement with Europe and then with the EU; and (c) the adaptive capacity and cohesion of the overall transatlantic relationship. The EU–U.S. relationship is significant not only for the influential role of the EU in world affairs but also because, as opposed to China or Russia, the transatlantic area hosts one of the most solid relationships around the world. Crises surely have been, and will be, a frequent aspect of the intense interdependences on both sides of the Atlantic; however, the level of contestation and conflict is relatively low, particularly as compared with other areas that smoothly allow the flow of goods, services, people, and ideas. Taken altogether, then, the transatlantic relationship possesses a strong foundation: it is integral, resilient, and enduring over a history of diplomatic disagreements and conflicts. The primary question remains just how this steady stream and confluence of shared challenges ultimately will fare in face of evolving crises and systemic disruptors. In any case, the answer is determined by the enduring nature, and foreign policy choices, of the primary actors on each side of the Atlantic.


2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viljam Engström

AbstractThe mechanism established in what has now become Article 352 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (formerly known as Article 235 and 308) has many names. One of the more common is to refer to the mechanism as the 'flexibility clause'. As the notion indicates, the basic purpose of the mechanism is to provide the European Union with a possibility of (flexibly) adjusting legislative powers to arising needs. Since the very purpose of the flexibility clause is to provide for the exercise of legal powers where none is to be found in the EU Treaties, the clause hereby defines the ultimate reach of EU competence. Remarkably, although use of the clause has often been contentious, the wording of the clause has remained unchanged ever since the Treaty of Rome. The aim of the article is to outline the function and development of the flexibility clause especially in light of the Treaty of Lisbon, which for the first time in the history of the EC/EU rewrites the flexibility clause.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Poveda

The peculiarities of the attitude of the two leading Czech political parties regarding the process of European integration through the prism of the effectiveness of the protection of national interests at the supranational level are analyzed in the given article. While conducting this study, it was revealed, that once it became clear that accession to the European Union would inevitably require certain national concessions from the Czech Republic, the leading Civic Democratic Party began to declare an increasingly Eurosceptic position. Gradually, EU membership was considered by it only through the prism of realizing the economic interests of the country. Civic Democrats have become even more vigorous opponents of deepening European integration and have strongly opposed the adoption of a common EU Constitution and federalization and have opposed any attempt to alienate part of national sovereignty in favor of the EU, since the Czech Republic joined the European Union. The author emphasizes that the disapproval by CDP of further European integration is explained by the historical fears of many Czechs, who are convinced that the development of the EU in a federal direction is in line with German interests and aspirations to dominate in Europe. The author also stresses on the fact, that the anti-German attitude of the Civic Democrats stems from the history of relations between two nations which have never been friendly and is explained by fears about further economic expansion of Germany in the Czech Republic. It was found that the discourse of Czech Communists on European integration is quite autonomous, because, in contrast to the CDP (and in general to all other parliamentary parties of the country), which although remains critical of the EU, but it does not question the Czech Republic membership in the European Union, the Communist Party does not consider any prospects for the functioning of the EU at all, and it does not consider the expediency of Czech Prepublic membership in it. Key words: Czech Republic; European integration; Civic Democratic Party; Communist Party of the Czech Republic and Moravia; Euroscepticism; Autonomist discourse.


Author(s):  
John McCormick

The European Union (EU) has become a critical new actor on the global stage, containing twenty-seven member states (with more considering membership) and nearly 500 million people. With its origins in postwar efforts to promote peace, security, and economic reconstruction in Europe, the EU constitutes a new level of authority above that of the member states and has overseen the building of a European single market, the launch of the euro, and the development of common (or coordinated) policies on agriculture, the environment, trade, regional development, external relations, immigration, and a wide variety of other issues. But the jury is still out on the personality of the EU and the wisdom of European integration, some praising its achievements but others regarding it as undemocratic and a threat to the sovereignty of its member states. The literature on the EU has grown exponentially since the late 1980s, as scholars and other analysts struggle to understand both the dynamics and the implications of European integration. This entry offers a taste of the range of topics within the literature, with sections on the theory and principles of integration, the history of the EU, its major institutions, political processes, and key areas of policy activity.


Author(s):  
Ilias Kapsis

This chapter focuses on the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), the judicial arm of the European Union. The CJEU consists of three courts: the Court of Justice, the European General Court, and the Civil Service Tribunal. Its mission is to ensure that ‘in the interpretation and application’ of the treaties of the Union ‘the law is observed’. The chapter first traces the history of the CJEU before discussing issues of structure and procedure, the extent of the Courts' jurisdiction, and their role in the promotion of European integration. It then considers the criticism directed at the CJEU for the way it exercises its judicial powers, and more specifically the reaction of member states to its ‘judicial activism’. It concludes with an assessment of the main challenges facing the EU courts.


Atlanti ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-64
Author(s):  
Dieter Schlenker

The Historical Archives of the European Union (HAEU) is a centre dedicated to the archival preservation and research on the history of European integration. In close cooperation with the Archives services of the EU Institutions, the HAEU preserves and make available to research the archival holdings of EU Institutions. Also, the Archives promotes research on the history of the EU Institutions, raises the public interest in the process of European integration and increases transparency in the EU Institutions’ work. Established following a decision by the European Communities in 1983 to open their historical archives to the public, the HAEU opened its doors in 1986. As part of the European University Institute, it is located in the historic Villa Salviati in Florence, Italy. The internet era and the modern information society have profoundly changed the research behaviour at the HAEU, in particular due to its unique character as transnational and multi-lingual archives. As central access point to EU institutional archives it is part of a network of more than 50 EU Institutions, Bodies and Agencies and seeks to respond, in close collaboration with its partners, to the challenges of the digital age. This paper outlines some key projects in terms of coping with research in an online archival database, the necessity to standardise and harmonise archival description, the added value of standardised vocabularies and the digitisation and online publication of paper archives.


Author(s):  
Federiga Bindi

Italy is a founding member state of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and, subsequently, the European Economic Community (EEC). At the time, membership meant anchoring the newborn Italian democracy, regaining international respectability after the Fascist period renewed vest internationally , and securing much-needed economic support to boost development. While in the 1950s the left side of the political spectrum vehemently opposed ECSC/EEC membership, starting with the late 1980s, European integration became the most important pillar of Italian foreign policy, an issue of shared consensus among different partiesa. The golden period for Italy – that is the phase when Italy was at the peak of its influence in the Communities - was the decade ranging from the mid 1980s to the mid 1990s,. At the time, Italian politicians such as Giulio Andreotti played fundamental roles in key moments of EEC/EU history: enlargement to the south, the single market, the Treaty of the European Union, and especially the creation of the euro are all key events in the history of the European Union which is safe to say would have never happened without the skillful contribution of Italy’s key government actors of the time. As European integration started again to be a contentious issue in domestic politics, so declined Italy’s influence. In more recent years: despite Italy’s formal status as a “big” member of the EU, Rome became less relevant than Madrid in EU decision making procedures. The parochial attitude of Italian elites, the incapacity of long-term programming, and relative government instability are all factors that have contributed to reducing the role of Italy in the EU.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-164
Author(s):  
Łukasz D. Wróblewski

AbstractThe European Union has been a rare feat achieved by the continent’s societies. Today, almost 15 years since its biggest enlargement and 10 years since the signing of the Treaty of Lisbon, Europe is facing unprecedented challenges, both globally and internally. It long seemed that the way to take on the challenges of the changing world was through united diversity—a stance that is no longer a given. Adopted on the 60th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome, the Rome Declaration was supposed to address the greatest challenges lying ahead of the EU and its member states.Based on an analysis of the Rome Declaration in the light of the Treaty of Lisbon, this paper outlines the biggest threats and possible scenarios of the European integration process. The ruminations below indicate that the declaration signed by the leaders of the 27 member states by and large successfully determined the key problems of European integration. However, contrary to the appearances, it fails to address them in substance. The overriding research method adopted in this study was a critical analysis of the subject literature, as well as EU studies and documents.


2016 ◽  
pp. 82-108
Author(s):  
Józef M. Fiszer

There is no doubt that the European Union, as a result of the European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, uniting Europe, which decided to eliminate war forever. Unfortunately, the idea of “eternal peace” has not materialised fully yet. The article aims to present the European Union at present, facing an ongoing crisis. The article discusses strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although it became substantially stronger expanding to the East – does not cope with many economic, political, social and international problems nowadays. The main thesis is the statement that the EU requires a complete overhaul so that it might continue to develop and be the European integration drive. If it does not happen, the EU will start to disintegrate and will finally collapse or become nothing more but just a free trade zone.


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