scholarly journals Od pochwały „demokracji szlacheckiej” do krytyki „rządu monarchiczno‑demokratycznego”

Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (55) ◽  
pp. 43-55
Author(s):  
Rafał Lis

From the Apology of a ‘Noble Democracy’ to the Criticism of a ‘Monarchical-Democratic’ Form of Government: The Confederacy of Targowica and the New Trends in the Development of Noble RepublicanismThe article presents main doctrinal trends within the tradition of noble republicanism at the end of the Four Year Seym, affected especially by the Confederacy of Targowica (1792). Acknowledging different attitudes of earlier exponents of noble republicanism towards social issues (especially in the works of Adam Rzewuski and Wojciech Turski), it suggests that this tradition, taken as a whole, willingly identifying with the notion of ‘democracy’, was still in the position to work out a more modern stance. But significantly enough, such a doctrinal development was no longer possible after the announcement of the Confederacy of Targowica. Now, eagerly connoting the extremes of the French Revolution with democracy per se, the exponents of a new political rhetoric not only defended a traditional form of a republic but also the social status quo. The author suggests that this changes indicates a shift from a more ‘democratic’ characteristic of noble republicanism to a strongly class-oriented defence of social privileges, leaving, eventually, less and less room for a more promising and challenging republican stance. Although most of these traits can be already discerned in the narratives of such conservative representatives of noble republicanism as Seweryn Rzewuski, Leonard Olizar and Szczęsny Potocki, it was especially Józef Kossakowski, analyzed in the concluding parts of the article, who was the best exponent of this phenomenon.

Author(s):  
Shannon Vallor

The conversation about social robots and ethics has matured considerably over the years, moving beyond two inadequate poles: superficially utilitarian analyses of ethical ‘risks’ of social robots that fail to question the underlying sociotechnical systems and values driving robotics development, and speculative, empirically unfounded fears of robo-pocalypses that likewise leave those underlying systems and values unexamined and unchallenged. Today our perspective in the field is normatively richer and more empirically grounded. However, there is still work to be done. In the transition from risk-mitigation that accepts the social status quo, to deeper thinking about how to design different worlds in which we might flourish with social robots, we nevertheless have not reckoned with the moral and social debt already accumulated in existing robotics systems and our broader culture of sociotechnical innovation. We relish our creative and philosophical imaginings of a future in which we live well with robots, but without a serious reckoning with the past and present, and the legacies of harm and neglect that must be redressed and repaired in order for those futures to be possible and sustainable. This talk explores those legacies and their accumulated debts, and what it will take to liberate social robotics from them.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (8) ◽  
pp. 179-188
Author(s):  
Shahabuddin

English: Venugopal has a distinct identity in Hindi poetry. The atmosphere of disillusionment and the social status quo had an effect on your poem. Oriented towards Akavita. But soon you realized his regression. As a result, progressives were oriented towards the stream. The land of reality shaped beautiful dreams of the future. Your poem conveys the hopes, dreams, feelings, sensations of the common man. It also exposes the middle class weaknesses while being sympathetic towards the neglected workers and is a proponent of action against the power. It shares the golden dreams of the future, in retaliation for its oppression-exploitation-violence. It has the content of strategy and tactics for the youth taking action from the power. Sometimes it is very suggestive and expresses socio-political reality in an interesting way. Where the dialogue style is present in it, its symbolism is multidimensional. This poem also questions the role of media by taking a sarcastic pose. Hindi: वेणुगोपाल हिन्दी कविता में विशिष्ट पहचान रखते हैं। मोहभंग के वातावरण और सामाजिक यथास्थिति का आपकी कविता पर प्रभाव पड़ा। अकविता की ओर उन्मुख हुए। परंतु शीघ्र ही आपको उसकी प्रतिगामिता का बोध हुआ। परिणामस्वरूप प्रगतिशील धारा की ओर उन्मुख हुए। यथार्थ की जमीन ने भविष्य के सुन्दर-सुखद स्वप्नों को आकार दिया। आपकी कविता साधारणजन की आशाओं, स्वप्नों, अनुभूतियों, संवेदनाओं को रूपाकार देती है। यह उपेक्षितों-श्रमिकों के प्रति संवेदना रखते हुए भी मध्यवर्गीय कमजोरियों को उजागर करती है और सत्ता के विरुद्ध मोर्चेबन्द कार्रवाही की प्रस्तावक है। यह उसके दमन-शोषण-हिंसा का प्रतिकार करते हुए भी भविष्य के सुनहरे स्वप्न बाँटती है। इसमें सत्ता से मोर्चेबन्द कार्रवाही करते युवाओं हेतु रणनीति और रणकौशल की सामग्री मौजूद है। कहीं-कहीं यह बहुत विचारोत्तेजक है और सामाजिक-राजनीतिक यथार्थ को रोचक ढंग से अभिव्यक्त करती है। इसमें जहाँ संवाद-शैली मौजूद है वहीँ इसकी सांकेतिकता बहुआयामी है। यह कविता व्यंग्यात्मक मुद्रा लेकर मीडिया की भूमिका को भी प्रश्नांकित करती है।


Author(s):  
Ruth Wright

This chapter discusses the role of music education in the perpetuation of cycles of unjust hegemonic social reproduction, using Bourdieu’s theory of social reproduction and the roles of education and culture therein. Alternative music pedagogies, such as informal learning, are examined as offering potential to break such cycles by allowing accumulation of two forms of cultural capital—pedagogical and musical capital—by diverse students. An empirical example is used to demonstrate how perceptions of the knowledge legimitation code within which music education operates may be shifted, allowing fewer students to self-identify as “non-elite” and therefore not suited to studying music. Some principles are suggested by which music education might act to break cycles of injustice and in whatever small way act to disrupt the social status quo.


Tekstualia ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (39) ◽  
pp. 67-78
Author(s):  
Marcin Czardybon

The article traces the similarities and differences between the categories of black humour and camp. Despite differing creative strategies, it turns out that they both have a subversive potential that undermines the social status quo. Lubiewo by Michał Witkowski can be seen as a model example of combining black humour and camp. These two categories, both employing distance, deconstruct each other through specifi c literary strategies. In Lubiewo, humour noir helps to fi nd out how the effect described by Susan Sontag in her Notes on ‘Camp’ is created. The black humour of Witkowski’s prose shows the tragic dimension behind the camp aesthetics.


Sociologija ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 304-324
Author(s):  
Djokica Jovanovic

This text discusses some aspects of commemorative culture in our society. On one hand, commemorative culture belongs to the batch of ideas that make up the corpus of ideological ritualization of the past that divinizes the state (or, more precisely, divinizes a particular ideological order). However, the established commemorative culture in our country has been intrinsically fenced up by the nature of the ex-Yugoslav wars during the end of the previous century. It is essential to note that Serbia was not officially a participant in the wars which prevented the recognition of the social status of the people who actually took part in the wars. This fact further meant that it was even less likely that these individuals would be able to make their social position socially institutionalized which deprived them of their hard-earned social status, creating all kinds of unsolved social issues. These individuals remain unacknowledged nowadays as well. Those, as such, do not belong to commemorative culture. This is, at the same time, the rationale for the official non-recognition of the events and dates that marked the wars leading to the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia. The author of this paper thinks that it is necessary that a consensus be reached within the virtual boundaries of the now non-existent country about the nature of its commemorative culture. Only In such culture can all the newly founded states and relevant individuals be firmly grounded.


Author(s):  
Gillian Russell

Romantic-period theatre faced long-standing legal constraints on where playhouses could be built, the kind of plays that could be staged, and the social status of actors. This chapter shows how new legislation and historical conditions gradually altered this picture. The impact of the French Revolution and the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars created a demand for forms of theatrical entertainment that would mediate the rapidity and scale of cultural and political change, forms for which the ‘illegitimate’ theatres of London were particularly suited. The dominant ‘legitimate’ theatres of Covent Garden and Drury Lane responded to this competition by becoming bigger in scale and developing new, visually spectacular genres such as melodrama and Gothic drama. By the 1820s the two-tier system of legitimate and illegitimate theatres had lost its cultural force and actors were legally recognized as no longer akin to vagrants but as professional artists, analogous to poets and novelists.


Author(s):  
Caterina Mazza

This paper seeks to show how Takahashi Gen’ichirō exploits parody to show the critical function of self-reflexive literature in the novel Koisuru genpatsu. Coherently with his experience as a political activist in the sixties, Takahashi interprets literature as a revolutionary act of resistance; it can be argued that he broadly embraces the conception of art – ideally inherited by Marcuse’s aesthetic – as a space for thought and action that makes resistance to the social status quo possible. Through the analysis of significant elements of the novel’s peritexts and epitexts, this article tries to reconstruct the web of signifiers that constructs the novel, in order to show how – in Takahashi’s concept of literature - every act of speech needs to be placed in a social structure, where the agency of discursive subjects always modifies the signifying process.


1990 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Knee

AbstractThis article seeks to contribute to the debate on the ethical and political meaning of the French Enlightenment, more specifically concerning the religious implications of the idea of popular sovereignty as it is put in place at the time of the French Revolution. The study of the social status of religion in two thoughts elaborated before and after the Revolution shows the clear opposition between Rousseau's “civil religion” with its perspective of a moral regeneration of man, and Tocqueville's “democratic religion” with its liberal perspective. But it also reveals the ambivalence they share in their attempt to think through the problem of the “common soul” of a society where legitimacy rests only on its self-institution.


1982 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 128-150
Author(s):  
Birgitte Sonne

The professional ecstatic is a religious specialist, who has become recognized as a person able to carry out an ecstatic ritual, corresponding with the local cultural expectations in force. The ecstatic ritual per se comprises a number of persons, i.e. it is a collective ritual. Part of the criteria that may be employed as a measure of the professional ecstatic's social status, is covered by the determining designation, social and cultic position. What ecstatic ritual duties does he have, and how large a part in the whole range of collective rituals within his society will his duties comprise? This question is examined through the social and ritual position among the Eskimos in their traditional, and thus relatively stable, societal cultures. The professional ecstatics among the Eskimos may be defined as shamans. However, the shamans were only part-time specialists among the Eskimos. They did have ritual tasks in the economic rituals of their society, and most of them had to pass a special ritual of initiation to obtain recognition as a shaman. The Eskimos have no juridical institutions, and as their informal leaders have no juridical authority, the shaman must exercise a considerable control of social morality. The shaman can here function simultaneously as informal leader, which is an impossible combination in societies with some degree of political organization. A shaman never became a leader due to his shaman powers in isolation. In societies where hunting demanded organized cooperation under a single man's leadership, he should also have organisatorial gifts. If a shaman, apart from his recognized shaman powers, possessed these qualities, he could attain a leader's status. His advice as a shaman, in common situations of crisis, combined with his authority as a leader, would endow him with particularly great authority.


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