scholarly journals World War I and Gendering of the Army in Colonial Punjab

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (Special Issue) ◽  
pp. 12-20
Author(s):  
Anisha Deswal

This paper seeks to investigate the impulses that encouraged a ‘gendering’ process and its crystallization in colonial Punjab in relation to the masculine culture propagated by the institution of a military-martial structure by the British Raj. The imperial/colonial gender perceptions led to the creation of gendered spaces in a manner conforming to the masculine ideology of the army. This is highlighted through different aspects of the lives of both men and women – their struggles, works, contributions, dreams and politics – before, during and after the First World War (1914-18). As a result, there emerged amongst the soldiers’ new high-class martial castes, middle-class patriarchal structures, and ideological pillars keen on constructing and upholding ‘ideal masculinity’ and ‘safe femininity’. The paper argues that the process of ‘gendering’ took place at two levels. On the one hand, the army structure of the colonial state paved the way for military-martial culture to exist on extreme masculine lines and, on the other hand, this ‘high’ masculine ideology percolated in the society and presented itself in contrast to the women of the region by further relegating them to the feminine spaces. Thus, the society in colonial Punjab presented a layered martial structure, which, in turn, dichotomized the gender binary. The paper attempts to reveal such ‘gender’ realities and experiences witnessed by the region of Punjab. In this context, the operation of imperial power and the resistance of the colonized to it; the space that was denied to the disadvantaged gender – women – and; the changes they imbibed along with the history of the mutual roles of women and soldiers become crucial to understand the ‘gendering’ process.

Transfers ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-120
Author(s):  
Michael Pesek

This article describes the little-known history of military labor and transport during the East African campaign of World War I. Based on sources from German, Belgian, and British archives and publications, it considers the issue of military transport and supply in the thick of war. Traditional histories of World War I tend to be those of battles, but what follows is a history of roads and footpaths. More than a million Africans served as porters for the troops. Many paid with their lives. The organization of military labor was a huge task for the colonial and military bureaucracies for which they were hardly prepared. However, the need to organize military transport eventually initiated a process of modernization of the colonial state in the Belgian Congo and British East Africa. This process was not without backlash or failure. The Germans lost their well-developed military transport infrastructure during the Allied offensive of 1916. The British and Belgians went to war with the question of transport unresolved. They were unable to recruit enough Africans for military labor, a situation made worse by failures in the supplies by porters of food and medical care. One of the main factors that contributed to the success of German forces was the Allies' failure in the “war of legs.”


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyle J. Anderson

AbstractIn this article, I detail the British imperial system of human resource mobilization that recruited workers and peasants from Egypt to serve in the Egyptian Labor Corps in World War I (1914–18). By reconstructing multiple iterations of this network and analyzing the ways that workers and peasants acted within its constraints, this article provides a case study in the relationship between the Anglo-Egyptian colonial state and rural society in Egypt. Rather than seeing these as two separate, autonomous, and mutually antagonistic entities, this history of Egyptian Labor Corps recruitment demonstrates their mutual interdependence, emphasizing the dialectical relationship between state power and political subjectivity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-83
Author(s):  
Seyyed Alireza Golshani ◽  
Mohammad Ebrahim Zohalinezhad ◽  
Mohammad Hossein Taghrir ◽  
Sedigheh Ghasempoor ◽  
Alireza Salehi

The Spanish Flu was one of the disasters in the history of Iran, especially Southern Iran, which led to the death of a significant number of people in Iran. It started on October 29, 1917, and lasted till 1920 – a disaster that we can claim changed the history. In one of the First World War battlefields in southern Iran in 1918, there was nothing left until the end of World War I and when the battle between Iranian warriors (especially people of Dashtestan and Tangestan in Bushehr, Arabs, and people of Bakhtiari in Khuzestan and people of Kazerun and Qashqai in Fars) and British forces had reached its peak. As each second encouraged the triumph for the Iranians, a flu outbreak among Iranian warriors led to many deaths and, as a result, military withdrawal. The flu outbreak in Kazerun, Firoozabad, Farshband, Abadeh, and even in Shiraz changed the end of the war. In this article, we attempt to discuss the role of the Spanish flu outbreak at the end of one of the forefronts of World War I.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Alex Dowdall

The introduction sets out the main lines of argument of the book, and introduces the four case studies—Nancy, Reims, Arras, and the coal-mining region of the Pas-de-Calais. It provides relevant historical context and situates the work within the existing historiography. It pays particular attention to the new cultural history of the First World War, and the literature surrounding the relationships between local communities and nation states in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Europe. It introduces the main civilian experiences of war discussed in the book—artillery bombardment, military occupation, and forced displacement. It concludes by outlining the main aims of the book, which are to explore how, on the one hand, war placed these civilian populations at the forefront of a broad process of militarization and how, on the other, it shaped their attitudes towards their bombarded home towns and the wider national community.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 704-718
Author(s):  
Jennifer D. Keene

This essay investigates how the repressive wartime political and social environment in World War I encouraged three key American social justice movements to devise new tactics and strategies to advance their respective causes. For the African American civil rights, female suffrage, and civil liberties movements, the First World War unintentionally provided fresh opportunities for movement building, a process that included recruiting members, refining ideological messaging, devising innovative media strategies, negotiating with the government, and participating in nonviolent street demonstrations. World War I thus represented an important moment in the histories of all three movements. The constructive, rather than destructive, impact of the war on social justice movements proved significant in the short term (for the suffragist movement) and the long term (for the civil rights and civil liberties movements). Ultimately, considering these three movements collectively offers new insights into American war culture and the history of social movements.


1986 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Overto

The First World War is perhaps the least studied period in the historiography of European settlement in Kenya. This paper reverses the previously held view of settler economic decline and disarray. Despite apparent problems of shipping shortages, closure of markets and loss of white manpower, settler products were grown and exported in ever-increasing quantities during the war years. The grain and livestock industries were stimulated by new wartime markets whilst plantation crops, chiefly sisal and coffee, continued the impetus of pre-war activity and substantial new planting took place. Prosperity and development, not reversal and decline, were the keynotes of the settler wartime economy. With this new evidence and understanding, it is possible to re-interpret much of the early history of colonial Kenya. The fundamental vulnerability and stuttering growth of white settlement before 1914 gave way to the gradual assertion of the settler economy over the African, with state support, during and after the war. But this assertion and growth was founded upon abnormal economic circumstances: on cheap and available labour, insatiable markets and a pre-occupied colonial state. The post-war crises of labour and market contraction, and the pre-eminence of the settler sector after 1920, therefore must be traced to this accelerated and artificial growth in the settler economy in 1914–18.


2015 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 85
Author(s):  
Matthew Laudicina

This past summer marked the one hundredth anniversary of the outbreak of the First World War. It is likely not a complete coincidence that numerous publishers are taking this opportunity to publish various monographs and reference sets to coincide with this occasion. The boldly titled World War I: The Definitive Encyclopedia and Document Collection has recently come to publication and achieves the lofty proclamations of its title.


2020 ◽  
pp. 127-149
Author(s):  
Alexey Y. Timofeev

The anniversary of the First World War in Serbia has become an oc-casion for exacerbating public discussion and drawing attention to the rise of revisionism in NATO countries. Fear of a revision of the history of World War I infl uenced Serbian society and elites on the eve of the centenary. The concerned Serb elites responded with a wide range of events organized in Serbia and Republika Srpska. Within the framework of the commemorative events dedicated to the anniversary, monuments, installed and restored by the Serbian authorities and their foreign part-ners, have received special signifi cance. These were monuments to the Serbian patriot G. Princip, to the famous Iron Regiment, to the woman volunteer-soldier Milunka Savic. They are traditional fi gures of the Ser-bian memory of the First World War. At the same time, Serbian authori-ties did not succeed in their attempt to perpetuate in monumental forms the head of the Serbian military intelligence D. Dimitrievic-Apis, the leader of the Serbian nationalist organization Black Hand, which patron-ized the Mlada Bosna organization that prepared the assassination on Franz Ferdinand. The Russian-Serbian monuments of the First World War in Serbia presenting Nicholas II and the military brotherhood of the two peoples were of special signifi cance. All new monuments have become memorial sites and at the same time attractive points for vari-ous political forces expressing their sympathies and antipathies through symbolic gestures towards them.


2015 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 220-257
Author(s):  
Jan Naert

Zowel de activistische samenwerking met de Duitse bezetter tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog als de bestraffing ervan na de oorlog, kunnen op veel interesse rekenen van de Belgische historici. De historiografie hieromtrent blijft dan ook stelselmatig aangroeien. Zo benadrukte Lode Wils recentelijk nog, verwijzend naar de vele lokale studies, dat de activisten zich ook meester probeerden te maken van het gemeentelijke niveau.Dit artikel toont aan dat de pogingen van activisten om burgemeesters uit hun rangen te laten benoemen om verschillende redenen mislukten. Hoewel de activisten niet per definitie kansloos waren, had de Duitse bezetter steevast het laatste woord. Die opteerde zo goed als altijd voor de verkozen Belgische burgemeesters en werkte met hen samen om de openbare orde en rust in het bezette land te bewaren. Na de oorlog organiseerde het Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken tussen 1918 en 1921 een zuivering van het burgermeesterkorps. Het ministerie opende een onderzoek naar activistische burgemeesters en zij die van activistische sympathiën verdacht werden. Een analyse van die onderzoeken toont enerzijds aan dat het aantal burgemeesters dat beschuldigd werd van activisme zeer klein was. Anderzijds wordt duidelijk dat de studie naar de houding van burgemeesters ten aanzien van de Duitse bezetter weinig gebaat is bij een dichotoom denkkader van collaboratie en verzet.________Mayors and activism during and after World War I (1914-1921)Both the activist collaboration with the German occupiers during the First World War as well as its punishment after the war are of great interest to Belgian historians. Therefore the historiography on this subject continues to increase systematically. Lode Wils for instance recently emphasised in reference to the many local studies that the activists also tried to gain control at the municipal level.This article demonstrates that the attempts by activists to have mayors nominated from within their ranks failed for a number of reasons. Although the activists were not necessarily non-starters, the German occupiers invariably had the last word. The latter almost always opted for the elected Belgian mayors and cooperated with them in order to maintain public order and security in the occupied territory. After the war the Ministry of Home Affairs organised a purge of the body of mayors between 1918 and 1921. The ministry opened an investigation into activists mayors and those suspected of activist sympathies. An analysis of those investigations demonstrates on the one hand that the number of mayors that was accused of activism was very small. On the other hand it becomes clear that the study into the attitude of mayors towards the German occupiers does not benefit from a dichotomous conceptual framework of collaboration and resistance.


2002 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-134
Author(s):  
Niaz Erfan

Islam in Global History, written in two volumes covering the period fromthe death of the Holy Prophet to the First World War, has the distinction ofbeing a book on history and the philosophy of history. This is because, as thereader discovers, it is not merely a chronicle of events of the Muslim worldfrom the advent of Islam to the end of the World War I; it is a book whichprovides insights into the causes of the victories and defeats of dynasties aswell as successes and failures of movements in Islamic history, and laysdown the laws for the rise and fall of civilizations.Certainly, he is not the first in the field of the philosophy of history. Thetwo stalwarts who made original and remarkable contributions in this fieldduring the last two millennia are Ibn Khaldun and Arnold Toynbee. Thebooks in which they propounded their theories of the interpretation of historyare not books on history as such. Historical data were, no doubt, usedand analyzed to substantiate their theses. lbn Khaldun proved his conceptof asabiyah (social group cohesion) in the context of the history of theArabs and the Berbers, which he was to write subsequently. Toynbee usedthe data from world history to prove his idea of "Challenge and Response"to be the detennining factor in the strength and decay of civilizations andsocieties. It is to the author's credit that such a comprehensive and coherentwork on Islamic history has been produced. At each critical stage hediagnosed the causes of the major events that went into making watershedsand turning points in Muslim history worldwide.Dr. Ahmed is an eclectic writer who has partially benefited from theconcepts of the interpretation of history expounded by lbn Khaldun andToynbee. For example, he agrees with lbn Khaldun when he says:The origins of the Ottoman Empire are to be found in a combination ofTurkish 'asabiyah, a term used by lbn Kha Idun to denote tribal cohesion,the force that holds together tribes through bonds of blood, a characteristicfound in abundance among peoples of the desert and the nomads offthe steppes.He concurs with Toynbee when he writes:Great civilizations measure up to their challenges and grow more resili entwith each crisis, turning adversity into opportunjty. Critical moments in ...


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