Equal Justice for Irishmen and Other Foreigners

Author(s):  
Richard D. Brown

For a generation or two after 1776—perhaps longer—American nationality was not firmly established, nor was there a single “American” ethnicity. And the colonial legacy was broadly welcoming for European immigrants. So regardless of nationality, equality before the law became the policy of every state. But old ethnic and religious prejudices, reinforced by immigration from the British Isles, made equal treatment problematic. Irish immigrants, who stood out as Catholics and potential radicals, were targets of prejudice. But when they were tried for capital crimes like rape and murder, adherence to legal procedures—including talented defense counsel—blunted the effects of prejudice. Yet fear of Irish and other Atlantic immigrants led congressmen to debate the qualifications for naturalized citizenship. Representatives agreed new citizens must be white; but they argued over the length of their probation and whether they should pay for the privilege. In the Jefferson administration Congress settled on five years and minimal fees. Equal rights for white immigrants became the rule in law and largely in practice.

Author(s):  
Richard D. Brown

Though Americans have favored the idea of equal rights and equal opportunity, they recognize that differences in wealth and social advantage, like differences in ability and appearance, influence the realization, or not, of equal rights, including equality before the law. In the generations after 1776 the rights of creditors, for example, often overrode the rights of debtors. And criminal trials demonstrate that in courtrooms equal treatment was most often achieved when defendant and victim came from the same social class. Otherwise if they came from different classes social realities, including ethnicity, color, and gender could shape court officials and public opinion. And when a woman’s sexual virtue was compromised, her credibility was almost always discounted. In principle officials paid homage to the ideal of equality before the law, but in practice unequal rights often prevailed.


2021 ◽  
Vol specjalny (XXI) ◽  
pp. 413-426
Author(s):  
Helena Szewczyk

The improvement in the quality of life of an employed person and his/her sustainable development are the basis of the concept of work-life balance. In this concept, the professional and private spheres are of equal importance and should complement and strengthen each other. The objective of ILO Convention 156 and ILO recommendation 165 related to it, is to ensure equal treatment and equal opportunities in the scope of employment and professional activity of working women and men who fulfill family responsibilities. Art. 33 section 2 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and the European pillar of social rights provides accordingly. The permanence of marriage and equal rights of spouses are among the basic principles of Polish family law. Equal rights of women and men in the context of equal rights of persons carrying out parental and care responsibilities are a fundamental constitutional principle in our country. Therefore, new legal regulations at the EU and national level concerning the balance between the professional and private life of parents and guardians are necessary. It should be de lege ferenda called for the inclusion of the concept of balance between professional and private life of working people who perform parental and guardian functions in labor law and family and guardianship law in a wider scope. It seems that nowadays the most important problem is the introduction of legal solutions in the field of work exemptions, employee holidays and more flexible working hours for employees who have care responsibilities towards the elderly or chronically ill (parents, parents-in-law, siblings) to the Labor Code


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-164
Author(s):  
Toyin Ajibade Adisa ◽  
Fang Lee Cooke ◽  
Vanessa Iwowo

Purpose By conceptualising patriarchy in the workplace as a social situation, the purpose of this paper is to examine the prevalence of patriarchal attitudes and their impact on women’s workplace behaviour among Nigerian organisations. Design/methodology/approach The study uses a qualitative research approach, drawing on data from 32 semi-structured interviews with female employees and managers in two high-street banks in Nigeria. Findings The study finds that patriarchy shapes women’s behaviour in ways that undermine their performance and organisational citizenship behaviour (OCB). Furthermore, the study finds that patriarchal attitudes, often practised at home, are frequently transferred to organisational settings. This transference affects women’s workplace behaviour and maintains men’s (self-perceived) superior status quo, whereby women are dominated, discriminated against and permanently placed in inferior positions. Research limitations/implications The extent to which the findings of this research can be generalised is constrained by the limited sample and scope of the research. Practical implications The challenges posed by the strong patriarchy on women’s workplace behaviour are real and complex, and organisations must address them in order to create a fairer workplace in which employees can thrive. It is therefore essential for organisations to examine periodically their culture to ensure that all employees, regardless of gender, are involved in the organisation’s affairs. Furthermore, organisations need to help women become more proactive in combating patriarchal behaviour, which often affects their performance and OCB. This requires organisations to affirm consistently their equal opportunities, equal rights and equal treatment policies. It is essential that organisations take this problem seriously by attaching due penalty to gender discrimination, as this will go a long way in ensuring positive outcomes for women and providing a fairer workplace. Originality/value This study provides empirical evidence that a more egalitarian work environment (in Nigerian banking) will result in improved performance from female employees and organisations. It calls for greater policy and organisational interventions to create a more inclusive work environment and an equal society.


2001 ◽  
Vol 2 (9) ◽  
Author(s):  
Renate Jaeger

It has been a long journey from the noble declaration in the Federal Republic's new constitution (Grundgesetz [Basic Law]) that women and men have equal rights, to the establishment of concrete laws and jurisprudence that now assure that women and men actually receive equal treatment and that women are no longer disadvantaged in society (and even more, laws and jurisprudence that assure that women receive support if they encounter structural disadvantages). This article, in looking back on its first fifty years of service, surveys the decisive role that the Bundesverfassungsgericht (Federal Constitutional Court) played in that journey.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harjun Rouf

Democracy as an Indonesian goverment system has implications fpr equal rights,obligations and equal treatment for all its citizen.Freedom of opinion is basically a right owned by every individual guaranteed by the constitution this is contained in Article 28E paragraph (3).The advancement of technology and information is one of the platforms in the delivery of opinions by the people in Indonesia.Communication of technology with various kinds of social media has given freedom to each individual to express their opinions through various types of social media communication.The development of information technology media is charaterized by various problems.The limitation of human rightsin various aspects is a form of control over the avoidance of brutal and transgressing freedom.


Author(s):  
J. E. Smyth

Bette Davis crafted her career in opposition to conventional images of femininity, battling for equal treatment and pay, and by the end of the 1930s, the media, her fans, and the Hollywood industry itself paid tribute to “Queen Bette.” While Harry, Sam, and Jack Warner concealed their repressive studio practices behind the mask of a family brand, as “the fourth Warner Brother” Davis shrewdly promoted filmmaking’s capacity for transparency, realism, and equality, from her public contract dispute in 1936 to her unconventional roles and off-screen persona. While a number of actresses kept their distance from long-term studio contracts, Davis put her “team player” capital to good use. As president of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences, president of the Hollywood Canteen, and public Democrat, she built networks of working women inside Hollywood and inspired her female fans to develop their independent political voice and faith in equal rights.


2021 ◽  
pp. 333-357
Author(s):  
Mark Lawrence Schrad

A key flaw in the standard, culturalist interpretation is that prohibitionism was a “whitelash” of conservative, rural, nativists “disciplining” of immigrants and blacks. The reality of 1840s New York was completely different: not only were Irish immigrants more likely to be temperate than their nativist, American counterparts (Chapter 5), but the focus of temperance activism—the money-making liquor traffic—was actually in the hands of established white nativists like “Captain” Isaiah Rynders, “Boss” Tweed, and the corrupt Tammany Hall machine. In upstate New York, temperance-abolitionist-suffragist reformers--including Frederick Douglass, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Amelia Bloomer, and Susan B. Anthony--began a movement for women’s equality born of their temperance activism. Concurrent with the 1853 World’s Fair in New York, Rynders and his Know-Nothings clashed, physically, with the equal-rights reformers from upstate, whose temperance threatened the financial foundations of the Tammany Hall political machine.


1993 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-76
Author(s):  
P. S. Carroll ◽  
P. D. G. Tompkins

In the past three decades there have been many efforts at removing discrimination between people on grounds of sex, both in legislation and in practice. It has come to be accepted that, apart from certain excluded areas, men and women should have equal opportunities and equal rights in equivalent circumstances. This ‘principle of equal treatment’ of the sexes means, amongst other things, that there must be equal rewards for the same work.Legal effect to these concepts was given by the Equal Pay Act 1970 and the Sex Discrimination Act 1975, both of which excluded from their ambit provision in respect of death or retirement and statutory instruments then in force (e.g. the Social Security Acts, which enshrine unequal State pensionable ages).In 1986, Helen Marshall successfully won her case before the European Court, that she should have the right to the same contractual retirement age as her male colleagues. As a result, the Sex Discrimination Act 1986 modified the ‘death or retirement’ exclusions of the 1975 Act to provide that one sex cannot be compulsorily retired before the other but retained the exception that permits one sex to have an earlier normal pension age.


2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Cremers

Directive 96/71/EC (the Posted Workers Directive) is the legal framework in Europe for bona fide cross-border work by posted workers. Following fierce debates at the beginning of the 1990s the European institutions adopted this Directive in 1996. The basic purpose of the Directive was to guarantee equal rights to posted workers combined with fair competition for transnational operations, relying on the ‘host country’ principle. A study by the author has shown that national implementation of the Directive after 1996 has been poor. Following enlargement on 1 May 2004 the debate about decent regulation of labour migration and posted and temporary work abroad returned to the agenda. The current discussions on the Services Directive have brought the ‘country of origin’ principle into the spotlight. The political struggle between supporters of decent regulation (and legal application) of labour migration issues and advocates of the free market has entered a new phase.


2001 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
Magdalena Śniadecka-Kotarska

Short description: The article is based on series of ethnographic interviews with Ecuadorian women that took place between 1997 and 2001. The informants where asked about their opinions on the development of the women’s rights movement. The accounts by the informants were used to present a historical overview from the female perspective. It relates with developments of the 40’s, 60’s, 70’s and 80’s. In 1989 significant new law changes toward equal rights of women were introduced, but it is suggested that they failed to introduce truly equal treatment as a common practice.


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