How the Progressives Became the Tea Party’s Mortal Enemy

Author(s):  
Steven M. Teles

This chapter first traces the roots of the stylized history of Progressivism's role in American liberalism found in the pronouncements of Glenn Beck and the Tea Party to a small cadre of conservatives grouped around the Claremont Institute, with the political philosopher Charles Kesler at its center. It explains how the ideas of these political thinkers spread through the conservative movement, with particular attention to the Heritage Foundation as a central node of the network, and how it came to be available when the opportunity for wider dissemination opened. The second section examines how this critique exploded into broader circulation within the conservative movement. The third section investigates why the attack on Progressivism was so avidly embraced by Tea Party conservatives at this precise time, how it provided a coherent story of America and, with that, the emotional energy needed to mobilize an already historically inflected movement. The fourth section discusses how this fundamentalist perspective on the nation's history, and on President Obama's place in it, has more than its share of outright lunacy. The wilder versions of antiprogressivism advanced by Beck and the less cautious scholars who influenced him have obscured and overtaken a more nuanced critique within conservatism, one that liberals would do well to take seriously. The wrong response to Tea Party fundamentalism is to respond in kind and simply hunker down in an alternative belief system.

Author(s):  
Alexander MacDonald

Mankind will not remain forever confined to the Earth. In pursuit of light and space it will, timidly at first, probe the limits of the atmosphere and later extend its control to the entire solar system. —Konstantin Tsiolkovsky, Letter to B. N. Vorobyev, 1911 What do we learn from this long-run perspective on American space exploration? How does it change our understanding of the history of spaceflight? How does it change our understanding of the present? This book has provided an economic perspective on two centuries of history, with examinations of early American observatories, the rocket development program of Robert Goddard, and the political history of the space race. Although the subjects covered have been wide-ranging, together they present a new view of American space history, one that challenges the dominant narrative of space exploration as an inherently governmental activity. From them a new narrative emerges, that of the Long Space Age, a narrative that in the ...


Author(s):  
Alessandra Bonci ◽  
Francesco Cavatorta

This chapter discusses the evolution of the politics of term limits in Tunisia, from independence in 1956 until the approval of the 2014 democratic constitution. Through the observation of the manipulation of term limits, we can retrace the political history of the country. It is interesting to examine how Bourguiba and Ben Ali managed to achieve their goals by stretching term limits, how and in which conditions they were prevented to do so and finally, whether there are some recurring patterns. This study then places in historical perspective the analysis on how term limits in Tunisia today have been discussed and implemented. Tunisians today are still coping with the recent political turmoil, which may lead them not to pay attention to creeping but substantial constitutional changes that might occur in light of the return to presidential practices in what is a semi-presidential system.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark John Brandt

Belief system structure can be investigated by estimating belief systems as networks of interacting political attitudes, but we do not know if these estimates are replicable. In a sample of 31 countries from the World Values Survey (N = 52,826), I find that country’s belief system networks are relatively replicable in terms of connectivity, proportion of positive edges, some centrality measures (e.g., expected influence), and the estimates of individual edges. Betweenness, closeness, and strength centrality estimates are more unstable. Belief system networks estimated with smaller samples or in countries with more unstable political systems tend to be less replicable than networks estimated with larger samples in stable political systems. Although these analyses are restricted to the items available in the World Values Survey, they show that belief system networks can be replicable, but that this replicability is related to features of the study design and the political system.


1998 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-378
Author(s):  
Andrew Mason ◽  
Matthew Festenstein ◽  
Todd Landman ◽  
Richard H. King ◽  
John Scott ◽  
...  

1913 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 395-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles G. Fenwick

There is no more significant commentary on the growth of international law, both in precision and in comprehensiveness, than an estimate of the relative authority of the name of Vattel in the world of international relations a century ago and in that of today. A century ago not even the name of Grotius himself was more potent in its influence upon questions relating to international law than that of Vattel. Vattel's treatise on the law of nations was quoted by judicial tribunals, in speeches before legislative assemblies, and in the decrees and correspondence of executive officials. It was the manual of the student, the reference work of the statesman, and the text from which the political philosopher drew inspiration. Publicists considered it sufficient to cite the authority of Vattel to justify and give conclusiveness and force to statements as to the proper conduct of a state in its international relations.At the present day the name and treatise of Vattel have both passed into the remoter field of the history of international law. It is safe to say that in no modern controversy over the existence and force of an alleged rule of international law would publicists seek to strengthen the position taken by them by quoting the authority of Vattel. As an exposition of the law of nations at a given period of its growth, the work can, it is true, lose nothing of its value, but in saying that it has thus won its place irrevocably among the classics of international law, we are merely repeating that it has lost its value as a treatise on the law of the present day.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-102
Author(s):  
Musahadi Ham

The positivation of Sharia (Islamic law) is an important topic that remains interesting to raise when discussing the institutionalization of Sharia in Indonesia. This topic is also a significant theme in the discussions of Islamic law in other parts of the Islamic world. How to make Islamic law as legal rules that apply nationally is one of the primary agenda. The objective is clear, that is so that Islamic law is neither merely an ideal law found in the collective awareness in the community’s belief system nor an "archive" discussed to satisfy the needs of intellectual exercise in academic institutions. It should become the law that applies positively. The establishment of Law Number 1 of 1974 concerning Marriage, Law Number 7 of 1989 concerning Religious Courts, and Presidential Instruction Number 1 of 1991 concerning the compilation of Islamic laws became important milestones in the history of Islamic law in Indonesia. Since the beginning of the reform era, the implementation of Islamic Sharia entered a new phase, as marked by the flourishing of Sharia regional regulations in various regions. The emergence of the Sharia regional regulations is certainly through serious political struggles, given that the real law is a product of the political process. The regional regulations, at the same time, has been through a massive ideological struggle, because the plurality of religions and ideologies in Indonesia will be powerful energy for the emergence of pros and cons of the emergence of this regional regulation. This article will explain the political and ideological struggle around the Sharia regional regulation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Philipp Lenhard

For Hegel’s German-Jewish disciples, the French Revolution marked the starting point of a history of freedom, which was to include legal and political emancipation. In many cases, however, the experiences of German-Jewish migrants in Paris were disappointing. The philosophical idea of “France” was not to be confused with its political reality. Nevertheless, the image of France served as a critical antithesis to the political situation in Germany throughout the 1820 and 1830s. The article discusses the impact of France on the political concepts of Jewish Hegelians with a focus on the jurist and political philosopher Eduard Gans.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (11 (109)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Andrey Schelchkov

The radical revolution 1910—1917 in Mexico, gave rise to a powerful conservative movement, supported by the masses in regions where revolutionary changes had conflicting results, contributing to the formation of a kind of Mexican “Vendée”. Such a region was the center of the country — Bajio, which became the scene of sharp clashes in the 1920s, which resulted in the civil war of the cristeros, who raised their arms after the adoption of anti-church legislation. After the defeat of the cristeros, the leadership in confronting the revolutionary government shifted to the Synarchist movement, which rejected violence as a form of political struggle. Synarchism in the 1930s — 1940s turned into the most influential and massive political force of the opposition, representing integralist Catholicism, hispanism, traditionalism in ideology and a combination of totalitarian practices with the rejection of the struggle for power. The movement declared itself a “crusade” against world Jewry, liberalism and communism, felt itself a messianic asceticism. It was able to mobilize, under millenarian slogans, the masses of the peasant and urban population of Mexico. The Synarchists embarked on their utopian social project for a truly Catholic society through the creation of the colony “María Auxiliadora” in Baja California. More than a thousand Synarchists took part in this venture. The collapse of this project and changes in the political situation in the country at the end of the 1940s led to the decline of the movement, and then its ban by the authorities. This work is devoted to the analysis of the ideology and political practice of Synarchismo, which occupied an important place in the history of the conservative popular movement in Latin America, and in Mexico in particular, in the 20th century.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-303
Author(s):  
James Alexander

Every political philosopher has a philosophy of political history, if sometimes not a very good one. Oakeshott and Collingwood are two twentieth century political philosophers who were particularly concerned with the significance of history for political philosophy; and who both, in the 1940s, sketched what I call philosophies of political history: that is, systematic schemes which could make sense of the entire history of political philosophy. In this article I observe that Oakeshott depended for the political threefold sketched in his Introduction to Hobbes’s Leviathan on a threefold Collingwood had developed in relation to science in The Idea of Nature. This is, I think, a novel observation. I contrast this political threefold with Collingwood’s own political threefold in The New Leviathan. I then consider the neglect of these schemes, along with the rare attempts to defend such philosophies of history in the writings of Greenleaf and Boucher. My own claim is that these philosophies of political history are exemplary: and that the threefold is, for obvious Hegelian reasons, a still useful form for this sort of reflection. Political philosophy is likely to improve the more it takes the philosophy of political history seriously.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


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