Conservative-Clerical Utopia in Mexico: the Synarquista Movement

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (11 (109)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Andrey Schelchkov

The radical revolution 1910—1917 in Mexico, gave rise to a powerful conservative movement, supported by the masses in regions where revolutionary changes had conflicting results, contributing to the formation of a kind of Mexican “Vendée”. Such a region was the center of the country — Bajio, which became the scene of sharp clashes in the 1920s, which resulted in the civil war of the cristeros, who raised their arms after the adoption of anti-church legislation. After the defeat of the cristeros, the leadership in confronting the revolutionary government shifted to the Synarchist movement, which rejected violence as a form of political struggle. Synarchism in the 1930s — 1940s turned into the most influential and massive political force of the opposition, representing integralist Catholicism, hispanism, traditionalism in ideology and a combination of totalitarian practices with the rejection of the struggle for power. The movement declared itself a “crusade” against world Jewry, liberalism and communism, felt itself a messianic asceticism. It was able to mobilize, under millenarian slogans, the masses of the peasant and urban population of Mexico. The Synarchists embarked on their utopian social project for a truly Catholic society through the creation of the colony “María Auxiliadora” in Baja California. More than a thousand Synarchists took part in this venture. The collapse of this project and changes in the political situation in the country at the end of the 1940s led to the decline of the movement, and then its ban by the authorities. This work is devoted to the analysis of the ideology and political practice of Synarchismo, which occupied an important place in the history of the conservative popular movement in Latin America, and in Mexico in particular, in the 20th century.

2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 60-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan McCormick

The Reagan administration came to power in 1981 seeking to downplay Jimmy Carter's emphasis on human rights in U.S. policy toward Latin America. Yet, by 1985 the administration had come to justify its policies towards Central America in the very same terms. This article examines the dramatic shift that occurred in policymaking toward Central America during Ronald Reagan's first term. Synthesizing existing accounts while drawing on new and recently declassified material, the article looks beyond rhetoric to the political, intellectual, and bureaucratic dynamics that conditioned the emergence of a Reaganite human rights policy. The article shows that events in El Salvador suggested to administration officials—and to Reagan himself—that support for free elections could serve as a means of shoring up legitimacy for embattled allies abroad, while defending the administration against vociferous human rights criticism at home. In the case of Nicaragua, democracy promotion helped to eschew hard decisions between foreign policy objectives. The history of the Reagan Doctrine's contentious roots provides a complex lens through which to evaluate subsequent U.S. attempts to foster democracy overseas.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-343
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri

Résumé.L'étude des discours des «pères fondateurs» du Canada moderne révèle qu'ils étaient ouvertement antidémocrates. Comment expliquer qu'un régime fondé dans un esprit antidémocratique en soit venu à être identifié positivement à la démocratie? S'inspirant d'études similaires sur les États-Unis et la France, l'analyse de l'histoire du mot «démocratie» révèle que le Canada a été associé à la «démocratie» en raison de stratégies discursives des membres de l'élite politique qui cherchaient à accroître leur capacité de mobiliser les masses à l'occasion des guerres mondiales, et non pas à la suite de modifications constitutionnelles ou institutionnelles qui auraient justifié un changement d'appellation du régime.Abstract.An examination of the speeches of modern Canada's “founding fathers” lays bare their openly anti-democratic outlook. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on the examples of similar studies carried out in the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term “democracy” in Canada shows that the country's association with “democracy” was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the regime. Instead, it was the result of the political elite's discursive strategies, whose purpose was to strengthen the elite's ability to mobilize the masses during the world wars.


2010 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri

An examination of the speeches of modern Canada’s “founding fathers” reveals that they were openly antidemocratic. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on similar studies of the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term democracy in Canada shows that the country’s association with democracy was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the country’s political regime. Rather, it was the result of discursive strategies employed by the political elite to strengthen its ability to mobilize the masses during the World Wars.


2009 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ciska Raventós Vorst

RESUMEN: Este artículo analiza el proceso de cambio político que se inició en Costa Rica en 1998 y que aún no concluye, ubicándolo en el contexto de la historia política de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Revisa luego las explicaciones que se han dado para el brusco quiebre en el comportamiento electoral de 1998, analiza la relación entre abstención y declive de los dos partidos tradicionales en el período 1998-2006 y se detiene a estudiar algunos rasgos del comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos en el 2006. Concluye planteando una interpretación preliminar sobre el momento político en que se encuentra el país.ABSTRACT: This article analyzes the process of ongoing political change that has taken place in Costa Rica since 1998. It is analyzed in the context of the political history of the second half of the 20th century. This article reviews the explanations of the sudden shift in electoral behaviour in 1998, analyzes the relationship between electoral abstention and the decline of the two traditional parties between 1998 and 2006, and it studies some characteristics of voting behaviour in 2006. The paper concludes with a preliminary interpretation of the current political situation.


2003 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 579-587
Author(s):  
Jorge Pixley

AbstractUsing the experience of the network of popular biblical study groups in Latin America and the biblical scholars who accompany them, this article outlines the basic requirements for a pastoral reading of the Bible. Special emphasis is given to the need for using the history of composition, necessarily hypothetical, in order to recover the political dynamics of the texts. The resulting pastoral reading will serve a public as well as a church function.


Author(s):  
Ilam Khan

Marginalization causes conflicts; they may be political, social, or economic. A careful contemplation over the history of Sri Lanka reveals that the sentiments of being marginalized have been present — in one (ethnic) group or the other — in the island right from its independence. When the majority ethnic group, i.e., the Sinhala, was in a position of power, it manipulated the constitution of the country to safeguard its own interests. This widened the rift among different ethnic and religious groups, especially between the Sinhala and the Tamil. This structural marginalization resulted in a civil war, starting in 1983, that lasted for 26 years. However, the ethnic conflict did not resolve even after the end of the civil war and continues to exist in the form of a political struggle between the Tamil and Sinhala. The Tamil demand for federation, autonomy, inclusion, and self-determination can only be achieved through constitutional means. Therefore, this research evaluates the post-Civil Warconstitutional development and amendment processes that were, at a point in time, more pluralistic and liberal, and contributing well to managing the ethnic conflict in the country. It was expected that the ethnic conflict would be permanently resolved through the constitutional arrangements, which Sri Lanka was already heading. However, the majority (Sinhala) reversed the progress through a new (20th) amendment to the constitution. Against this backdrop, this article argues that all segments of the society can be accommodated in the political sphere of the state through political liberalization which is possible only through constitutional arrangements.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-125
Author(s):  
Anton Andreev ◽  
◽  
Daria Pravdiuk

The activities of the Third (Communist) International left a noticeable mark on the political history of Latin America. His ideological, organizational legacy remains a factor in shaping the theory and practice of contemporary leftist governments in the region. This article examines the impact of the legacy of the Comintern on international processes in Latin America, the development of integration projects, foreign policy projects of the left forces of the region. On the basis of archival documents, media materials, documents of parties and governments, the authors show which of the foreign policy guidelines of the Comintern are relevant for the region in the 21st century.


Author(s):  
Nancy Gakahu

The history of Kenya is loaded with continuous moments when music played a key role in expressing various issues in the country. Music is one of the most important modes through which ordinary Kenyans express their wishes, identity, frustrations and aspirations. For a long time, freedom of speech in Kenya, especially on issues touching political injustice had been curtailed. However, musicians in Kenya offered an alternative means of challenging the political status quo in the country by use of musical lyrics which address injustices directly or metaphorically. What is the place of music in Kenya's political landscape? Has political music in Kenya made a difference in governance and in educating the masses on their political and social rights? Have political songs helped change the political and social climate in Kenya? These issues are examined in this chapter.


Author(s):  
Pablo Palomino

This chapter shows the emergence of a regional sense of Latin America as part of the musical pedagogy of the nationalist states at the peak of the state-building efforts to organize, through a variety of instruments of cultural activism, what at the time were called “the masses.” It analyzes particularly the cases of Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina—the three largest countries of the time in population and economic development—from the 1910s through the 1950s. It proposes a comparative history of Latin American musical populisms, focusing in particular on policies of music education, broadcasting, censorship, and experiences of state-sponsored collective singing.


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