scholarly journals THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN POLITICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL OVER THE IMPLEMENTATION SHARIA-NUANCED REGIONAL REGULATION

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-102
Author(s):  
Musahadi Ham
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Belief System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Legal Rules ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Ideological Struggle ◽  
History Of ◽  
Pros And Cons

The positivation of Sharia (Islamic law) is an important topic that remains interesting to raise when discussing the institutionalization of Sharia in Indonesia. This topic is also a significant theme in the discussions of Islamic law in other parts of the Islamic world. How to make Islamic law as legal rules that apply nationally is one of the primary agenda. The objective is clear, that is so that Islamic law is neither merely an ideal law found in the collective awareness in the community’s belief system nor an "archive" discussed to satisfy the needs of intellectual exercise in academic institutions. It should become the law that applies positively. The establishment of Law Number 1 of 1974 concerning Marriage, Law Number 7 of 1989 concerning Religious Courts, and Presidential Instruction Number 1 of 1991 concerning the compilation of Islamic laws became important milestones in the history of Islamic law in Indonesia. Since the beginning of the reform era, the implementation of Islamic Sharia entered a new phase, as marked by the flourishing of Sharia regional regulations in various regions. The emergence of the Sharia regional regulations is certainly through serious political struggles, given that the real law is a product of the political process. The regional regulations, at the same time, has been through a massive ideological struggle, because the plurality of religions and ideologies in Indonesia will be powerful energy for the emergence of pros and cons of the emergence of this regional regulation. This article will explain the political and ideological struggle around the Sharia regional regulation.

The Mensheviks and NEP Society in Russia

1982 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 347-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Brovkin
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Soviet Regime ◽  
New Period ◽  
History Of

AbstractContemporary scholarship on the development of the Soviet political system in the 1920s has largely bypassed the history of the Menshevik opposition. Those historians who regard NEP as a mere transition to Stalinism have dismissed the Menshevik experience as irrelevant,1 and those who see a democratic potential in the NEP system have focused on the free debates in the Communist party (CP), the free peasantry, the market economy, and the free arts.2 This article aims to revise some aspects of both interpretations. The story of the Mensheviks was not over by 1921. On the contrary, NEP opened a new period in the struggles over independent trade unions and elections to the Soviets; over the plight of workers and the whims of the Red Directors; over the Cheka terror and the Menshevik strategies of coping with Bolshevism. The Menshevik experience sheds new light on the transformation of the political process and the institutional changes in the Soviet regime in the course of NEP. In considering the major facets of the Menshevik opposition under NEP, I shall focus on the election campaign to the Soviets during the transition to NEP, subsequent Bolshevik-Menshevik relations, and the writings in the Menshevik underground samizdat press.

DOMINO EFFECT: BORIS YELTSIN'S DECREE ON THE DE-PARTIZATION IN THE CHAIN OF THE COLLAPSE OF THE USSR

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 69-80
Author(s):  
D.G. SELTSER ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Scientific Literature ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Direct Connection ◽  
Domino Effect ◽  
Nomenclature System ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
History Of

The purpose of the article is to clarify the place and role of the decree in the general course of the political process and highlight its direct consequences for the fate of the CPSU and the USSR. The scientific literature on the topic is analyzed. It is concluded that scientists draw a direct connection between the final events of the history of the USSR – Yeltsin's decree about departisation, degradation of the CPSU, resistance to the Emergency Committee and the liquidation of the CPSU / USSR. The author describes the stages of the personnel actions of Gorbachev and Yeltsin. In his opinion, the nomenclature system was expected: «construction» of the elite (1985–1987), elections in the party (1988–1990), elections in the state (1989–1990), decree about departisation (1991). The decree is seen as the final stage in the denationalization of the party. The CPSU, having lost power and property, ceased to be a state. The content of the decree, the behavior of political actors in connection with its adoption and the political consequences of the decree are considered. In conclusion, it is concluded that the decree was a domino effect, a provocation to the instant collapse of the USSR.

A Study of Political Discourses in Egypt Post-Mubarak Era

2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110491
Author(s):  
Abbas Keshavarz Shokri ◽  
Jabbar Shojaei
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Target Groups ◽  
Political Discourses ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Made In

The collapse of the Mubarak regime on 25 January 2011 marked the beginning of profound discursive challenges in Egypt. Following the January Revolution, the political forces and discourses long suppressed by Mubarak finally felt free to participate in the political struggles of the time, and attempted to lead the charge in the rebuilding and reorganizing process of Egyptian society. To shed light on the origin and characteristics of these discourses, attempts have been made in this paper to explain through discourse analysis the four major political discourses in today’s Egypt: democratic Islamism, authoritarian Islamism, secular democracy, and secular authoritarianism, and also to identify the political groups representing each discourse, their target groups, the method of their argumentation, and finally their proposed political agenda. To explain these discourses, the a posteriori discourse method is used, i.e. identifying the history of the formation of components and features of discourses. To this end, the discourse analysis of theorists such as Foucault and Van Dyke has been used to examine political discourses in Egypt. The factors used to examine the discourses are: discourse producers, discourse audiences, discourse content, and discourse actions.

Shariah

2021 ◽  
pp. 17-25
Author(s):  
Mohammad Hashim Kamali
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
Moral Values ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
Legal Rules ◽  
Concise Review ◽  
Broad Concept ◽  
History Of ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Way

In addition to a concise review of the meaning and definition of shariah, the chapter introduces the sources of shariah, including the two main types of revealed and rational sources and their subdivisions. The history of shariah (“the way to the watering place,” or “the path to correct guidance, salvation, and relief”) is occupied with scholastic developments and the embodiment of what became known as fiqh, which consists mainly of the practical rules of Islamic law that regulate the daily lives of Muslims. Shariah is a broad concept that is not confined to legal rules but comprises the totality of guidance that God Most High has revealed to humankind, pertaining to the dogma of Islam, its moral values, and its practical legal rules.

scholarly journals Revisiting early Political History of Modern Sarawak through the making of Stephen Kalong Ningkan as Sarawak’s first Chief Minister

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanley Bye Kadam-Kiai ◽  
Dick Lembang Dugun
Keyword(s):  
Political History ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Early History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Consultative Committee ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Significant Events ◽  
Chief Minister ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
History Of

This paper narrates a political story of modern Sarawak from 1961 to 1974. The modern political history of Sarawak began with the conceptualisation and the formulation of the Federation Malaysia. The significant events that shaped and influenced the political history of modern Sarawak include: the British-Malayan Government meetings in November 1961 and July 1962; the setting up of the Cobbold Commission of Enquiry; the formulation of the Malaysia Solidarity and Consultative Committee (MSCC); the formation of the Inter-Governmental Committee (IGC); the signing the Malaysia Agreement of 1963; the controversies surrounding the making of the first Chief Minister and of the making of the first local State Governor; the cabinet crises of 1965 and 1966; the proclamation of the state of emergency in Sarawak in 1966 by the Federal Parliament which led to the removal of its first Chief Minister; and the establishment of the Sarawak Alliance and the Native Alliance. This historical account of the early history of modern Sarawak is not complete without the description of the ideas and the political struggles of Stephen Kalong Ningkan, the State’s first Chief Minister, and the issues affecting his political leadership

scholarly journals Presidential Address: Doctoral Theses and the Discipline of History in Canada, 1967 and 1985

2006 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
William Acheson
Keyword(s):  
Social History ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Canadian History ◽  
The Past ◽  
Language Groups ◽  
History Of ◽  
Doctoral Programmes ◽  
The University ◽  
Doctoral Candidates

Abstract A comparison of doctoral theses in progress in 1967 and 1985 reveals a number of trends in historical studies in Canadian universities during the past two decades. In 1967, 58 per cent of all doctoral candidates chose topics in Canadian history and the largest number ― fully 36 per cent of all candidates ― were writing theses at the University of Toronto, which offered the broadest range of fields of any Canadian university. Much smaller programmes existed at McGill and the University of Western Ontario; aside from these three institutions, no other university in English-speaking Canada enrolled more than four students. Two-thirds of all francophone candidates were enrolled at Université Laval, where only five candidates were writing on topics other than Canadian history. The political process led the field of interest in all fields of study, while social history of the Annales school held little interest for either linguistic group. More than half the dissertations in Canadian fields were supervised by only eight senior scholars. By 1985, marked changes in this pattern were evident. The number of active doctoral candidates had increased from 236 in 1967 to 294, and Canadian history was the field of choice for 72 per cent. Doctoral programmes and hence supervision had decentralized in anglophone Canada, however, and the University of Toronto's dominance had been challenged by Queen's and York; specialized programmes of some size existed at a much larger number of institutions. Among francophone schools, enrollment had doubled and Laval had achieved a situation rivalling Toronto's in 1967. Laval and the Université de Montréal now had the largest doctoral programmes in the country. In terms of topic, policy and administration had replaced the political process as the subject of choice for both language groups; economic history experienced a modest degree of growth, while the history of ideas retained its traditional level of interest. Social history had become much more popular in both linguistic groups, while less European history was being studied. These developments pose both problems and possibilities for the profession as a whole. Doctoral studies have been enriched by the diversity of interests, but the potential for academic sectarian strife is troubling. The need now is for syntheses and paradigms which will permit the findings of subdisciplines to be integrated into a broader and more sensitive understanding of the past.

scholarly journals Kebijakan Pendidikan Sebagai Kebijakan Publik dalam Sistem Politik di Indonesia

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-91
Author(s):  
Maskuri Maskuri
Keyword(s):  
Education Policy ◽  
Education System ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Governance System ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Configuration

In the history of Indonesian, education policy has always been dynamic. Before independence until the reform era of education policy can not be separated from the political system. We know that education policy as part of education policy is a political product. Political configuration in every era of state political leadership has always changed according to the political wind and the configuration of political rulers. However, forces outside the governance system, such as educational community groups, will give color to the education system. When the political system demands the centralization of power, the education system will also concentrate on a centralized government. With the flow of reforms, it has spawned many changes in the education system. Several articles, even the law which, according to the public, lack attention to the aspect of education itself, are sued to the Constitutional Court. Along with the policy of regional autonomy, education policy must be able to adjust to the development of society in autonomous regions. This necessarily requires the creativity of leaders in the region in terms of promoting education in the region in accordance with the aspirations of the community.

Swaraj and Swadeshi as Political Dharma

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Koneru Ramakrishna Rao
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Social Action ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggles

This chapter focuses on Gandhi’s political philosophy. Swaraj (self-governance) and swadeshi are central concepts here. Gandhi practised the politics of non-violence. He showed us how to link politics with morality. Rejecting the notion that we need violence to run the political process, Gandhi has shown in practice and through the various political struggles he spearheaded that non-violence generates its own power to cause effective social action, which is morally superior and relatively more lasting with fewer adverse consequences.

Shooting

2018 ◽  
pp. 139-164
Author(s):  
Ronny Regev
Keyword(s):  
Labor Unions ◽  
Film Industry ◽  
Arts And Crafts ◽  
The Political ◽  
Labor Organization ◽  
Technical Work ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
History Of ◽  
American Society

The fifth chapter deals with the experience of those who are commonly known as craftsmen or below-the-line workers. It suggests that the division between arts and crafts in the film industry resulted from the history of labor organization and the political struggles between labor unions such as IATSE and the American Society of Cinematographers. In addition, focusing on the experience of cameramen, the chapter demonstrate that workers in the technical branches of filmmaking, were concerned less with control and more with recognition. It shows how directors of photography sought to claim some of the respect and artistic stature accorded to directors and screenwriters. Thus, they struggled to form a tighter bond between the creative status of the film industry and the more traditional craft or technical work they introduced into it.

scholarly journals LIMINAL CRAFT, EXCEPTIONAL LAW: PRELIMINARY NOTES ON MIDWIVES IN MEDIEVAL ISLAMIC WRITINGS

2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 202a-202a ◽  
Author(s):  
Avner Giladi
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
Formative Period ◽  
Minor Role ◽  
Ongoing Research ◽  
Legal Rules ◽  
Legal Texts ◽  
History Of ◽  
Ambivalent Attitude ◽  
The Moment ◽  
A Minor

In this article, the first fruit of an ongoing research on the sociocultural history of midwifery in medieval Muslim societies, I trace the attitudes toward midwives as revealed in Arabic biographical, medical, and legal texts. These texts, the product of male scholars, mirror an ambivalent attitude toward midwives: a mixture of repressed admiration, open repulsion, and fear. Thus, midwives are almost totally absent from Islamic scriptures, and Muslim writers make them play only a minor role in biographical and hagiographic literature, where the midwives of the Prophet's family are consciously or unconsciously “blocked” from becoming mythological figures. Women, sometimes hesitatingly identified as midwives, nevertheless played a role through their very presence at the moment of the Prophet's birth. In a storylike manner, they set an example for the implication of the legal rules concerning the midwife's exceptional status as a witness in court, rules that were formulated and consolidated in the formative period of Islamic law side by side with the traditions on the Prophet Muhammad's birth.

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