Conclusion

Author(s):  
Eugene Ford

This concluding chapter discusses how Thai monks were to refrain from the forms of oppositional political participation increasingly seen among their clerical counterparts in colonized countries just across Thailand's borders. When not pursuing spiritual attainment or gaining scriptural knowledge, the monks were to continue to visibly but silently legitimize the status quo, neither challenging nor overtly defending the hierarchical social system whose apex was the Thai monarch himself, surrounded by Buddhist patriarchs and elderly abbots. These were the standards that had continued to define proper behavior for Thailand's clergy as monks in Burma, Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam experimented with vocal, dissident modes of engagement in the secular political realm during the period before World War II.

Author(s):  
Allen Buchanan

This chapter helps to confirm the explanatory power of the naturalistic theory of moral progress outlined in previous chapters by making two main points. First, it shows that the theory helps to explain how and why the modern human rights movement arose when it did. Second, it shows that the advances in inclusiveness achieved by the modern human rights movement depended upon the fortunate coincidence of a constellation of contingent cultural and economic conditions—and that it is therefore a dangerous mistake to assume that continued progress must occur, or even that the status quo will not substantially deteriorate. This chapter also helps to explain a disturbing period of regression (in terms of the recognition of equal basic status) that occurred between the success of British abolitionism and the founding of the modern human rights movement at the end of World War II.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 585-613
Author(s):  
Daniel Markovits ◽  
Austin Strange ◽  
Dustin Tingley

Abstract Foreign aid has served as an important policy tool for centuries, yet international relations research essentially treats it as a novel, post-World War II phenomenon. We argue that documenting aid-like activities in earlier historical periods helps shed new light on the systemic political dynamics of aid giving. We introduce a framework that links aid giving to the status quo in international politics and populate the framework with a diverse set of historical and contemporary cases, including Western and non-Western donors. Our analysis reveals striking similarities between the ways in which donor governments from diverse regions, historical periods, and international systems have utilised aid and other forms of concessional finance to pursue international political goals. Our findings suggest that by considering the pre-Marshall Plan roots of aid researchers can more effectively link foreign aid provision to rising power dynamics, international formal and informal hierarchies, and other research agendas in international relations. Our analysis also points to the need for greater attention to non-Western and pre-World War II evidence in understanding the link between aid and systems of international relations that have been less prevalent in the post-Marshall Plan era.


Author(s):  
Charles P. Henry

This introductory chapter discusses events that mark three periods of racial progress in U.S. history. These are: the period following the Revolutionary War, the period that began with the Civil War and ended with the compromise of 1877, and the period following World War II. Obama's election as president is believed to mark the beginning of a fourth. The analysis undertaken in this work along with some lessons from periods past enables us to speculate on how long the current period might last and what direction it might take. Unfortunately, these periods of racial progress come on the heels of national crises—wars—that destabilize the status quo and allow for the emergence of new ideas and leaders. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.


Author(s):  
M. G. Bevilacqua ◽  
G. Caroti ◽  
A. Piemonte ◽  
D. Ulivieri

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Cultural heritage includes several cases of missing architectural element or entire buildings, due to destruction, replacement or radical changes caused over time by other structures. The investigation of these lost elements aimed at their virtual reconstruction, for both scientific and cultural-leisure applications, is therefore a topic of great interest. To this purpose, methodologies for surveying and photogrammetric processing provide a very powerful tool, extracting descriptive and geometric information, both 2-and 3-D, using diverse archive images. This paper presents the issues related to the use of archive images in photogrammetry, pointing out the need for an integrated approach to operations of virtual reconstruction of lost volumes. This approach provides a multidisciplinary effort, in order to evaluate all iconographic sources, of which images processed by geomatics techniques are a component. The paper also presents the early results of a reconstruction project of the <i>Palazzo di Cosimo de’ Medici</i>, in the <i>Fortezza Vecchia</i> site (Livorno, Italy), heavily damaged by World War II bombings and subsequently razed.</p>


Author(s):  
Charles S. Maier ◽  
Charles S. Maier

The author, one of the most prominent contemporary scholars of European history, published this, his first book, in 1975. Based on extensive archival research, the book examines how European societies progressed from a moment of social vulnerability to one of political and economic stabilization. Arguing that a common trajectory calls for a multi country analysis, the book provides a comparative history of three European nations—France, Germany, and Italy—and argues that they did not simply return to a prewar status quo, but achieved a new balance of state authority and interest group representation. While most previous accounts presented the decade as a prelude to the Depression and dictatorships, the author suggests that the stabilization of the 1920s, vulnerable as it was, foreshadowed the more enduring political stability achieved after World War II. The immense and ambitious scope of this book, its ability to follow diverse histories in detail, and its effort to explain stabilization—and not just revolution or breakdown—have made it a classic of European history.


1984 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-52
Author(s):  
Mahmud A. Faksh

I.Since the end of World War 11, approximately eighty new states havebeen established. Only two, Pakistan and Cyprus, have undergone theagony of dismemberment when Bangladesh broke off in 1973 and theTurkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was declared in 1983. The worldmay now be witnessing the possible breakup of yet a third state:Lebanon, whose disintegration has been accelerated since the June 1982Israeli invasion.Shortly after the invasion began, Henry Kissinger assessed itsconsequence for Lebanon’s future, concluding, “It is neither desirablenor possible to return to the status quo ante in Lebanon.” One possibleoutcome was that some Syrian and Israeli forces would remain in thenorthern and southern ends, respectively, and the central government’sauthority would ostensibly cover the rest of the country. Implicit in theKissinger diagnosis is the possibility of eventual partition.Though the gloomy assessment by the “wizard” of US. foreign policyshould by no means be construed as a portent of an official shift awayfrom the publicly stated US. support of “Lebanon’s sovereignty andterritorial integrity,” a shadow was cast on the country’s prospects.Subsequent developments have seemed to indicate that Lebanon’sdemise looms larger than at any time since the beginning of the civil warin 1975-76.For over a year and a half national fragmentation has proceededinexorably. What many people once could imagine only with difficulty,they now acknowledge: in reality, Lebanon is facing possible death. TheSouth (35 percent of the land area) is occupied by Israel; the North andthe Biqa’ (45 percent) are controlled by Syria; Kasrawan (15 percent) iscontrolled by the Christian Maronite forces (the Lebanese Front forces),which are not subject to the government’s authority. The rest of thecountry-beleaguered Beirut and environs-was until the February1984 breakdown under the government’s shaky control supported bysymbolic US., French, Italian, and British units. The Multi-NationalForce (MNF) was subject to increasing attacks by Muslim leftist factions,as witnessed in the October 23 bombing of the quarters of U.S.Marines and French troops. Thus, instead of keeping peace, the MNFbecame ,a partisan force trying to protect itself. The US. and Frenchforces in particular seemed to have outlived their usefulness as“peacekeepers.” Recurrent fighting in southern Beirut and in theadjacent Chouf mountains, that pitted Christian Maronites and armyunits against Shi‘ite and Druse Muslims constantly threatened theexistence of President Amin Gemayel’s government and consequently arenewal of the civil war. This situation culminated in February 1984 inthe resignation of the Shafiq al-Wazzan’s cabinet, the loss ofgovernment’s control of West Beirut to Muslim-leftist militias, and theimminent collapse of Amin Gemayel’s presidency ...


1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-376
Author(s):  
Andrew Ludanyi

The fate of Hungarian minorities in East Central Europe has been one of the most neglected subjects in the Western scholarly world. For the past fifty years the subject—at least prior to the late 1980s—was taboo in the successor states (except Yugoslavia), while in Hungary itself relatively few scholars dared to publish anything about this issue till the early 1980s. In the West, it was just not faddish, since most East European and Russian Area studies centers at American, French and English universities tended to think of the territorial status quo as “politically correct.” The Hungarian minorities, on the other hand, were a frustrating reminder that indeed the Entente after World War I, and the Allies after World War II, made major mistakes and significantly contributed to the pain and anguish of the peoples living in this region of the “shatter zone.”


Author(s):  
Michaela Sibylová

The author has divided her article into two parts. The first part describes the status and research of aristocratic libraries in Slovakia. For a certain period of time, these libraries occupied an underappreciated place in the history of book culture in Slovakia. The socialist ideology of the ruling regime allowed their collections (with a few exceptions) to be merged with those of public libraries and archives. The author describes the events that affected these libraries during and particularly after the end of World War II and which had an adverse impact on the current disarrayed state and level of research. Over the past decades, there has been increased interest in the history of aristocratic libraries, as evidenced by multiple scientific conferences, exhibitions and publications. The second part of the article is devoted to a brief history of the best-known aristocratic libraries that were founded and operated in the territory of today’s Slovakia. From the times of humanism, there are the book collections of the Thurzó family and the Zay family, leading Austro-Hungarian noble families and the library of the bishop of Nitra, Zakariás Mossóczy. An example of a Baroque library is the Pálffy Library at Červený Kameň Castle. The Enlightenment period is represented by the Andrássy family libraries in the Betliar manor and the Apponyi family in Oponice. 


2020 ◽  
pp. 688-699
Author(s):  
Liudmyla Chekalenko

The article examines the current condition of the status of state sovereignty, which is being gradually replaced by such social and political phenomenon as sovereignism. The author is convinced that the reason of its current rise is the weakening of sovereignty, the artificially made, legally enshrined, and not always successful mechanism of the state’s existence. Sovereignism became widely spread in the aftermath of World War II. The erstwhile world order in international relations rested upon state sovereignty, where the strong provided assistance to the weak in return for certain privileges, and the weak sought to find a protector of their sovereignty among the world’s leaders and international organisations. The author states any social phenomenon has to develop and evolve. This is also the case with sovereignty, an obsolete form of the state’s existence, which is searching for new variants of development on the global scale. Sovereignism may be regarded as a new pattern in the development of sovereignty and a means of weakening it. At the same time, it may be viewed as an impetus to strengthening sovereignty. Sovereignism has led to deadly wars and the influx of migrants all around the world; it is a hazardous challenge of the present. This fever of forgone political ambitions transcending state borders and spreading all over the globe is destructing established norms, traditions, and stability. Sovereignism is creating a new social identity in regions at war, which is a dangerous challenge for national security. Thus, sovereignism brings instability, chaos, clashes, and human toll. The author draws a conclusion that given current developments the protection of a weak state is possible only through integration with advanced economies and international agencies able to take responsibility for their partners and, most importantly, through building one’s own national defence forces. Keywords: nationalism, sovereignty, human rights, dignity, war.


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