Living with Liberal Democracy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noah Benezra Strote
Keyword(s):  
German Democratic Republic ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Social Research ◽  
West Germany ◽  
State Agency ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Cultural Reconstruction ◽  
Constitutional Economic ◽  
Academic Center ◽  
The 1960S

This chapter looks at the rise in prominence of the Institute for Social Research, a small academic center whose work became a lodestar for left-wing politics among secular West Germans in the 1960s. That an institution which had previously been forced into exile because of its Marxist politics had returned in the form of a quasi-state agency in an age of extreme anticommunism was remarkable in itself. Still more impressive, perhaps, is the fact that the Institute for Social Research has come to represent West Germany's shift from the Christian conservatism of the Adenauer era into the multicultural era of present-day Germany. The chapter then examines the institute's role as a left-wing entity whose members were deeply disappointed with how the constitutional, economic, educational, and cultural reconstruction had played out in West Germany, and yet accepted the new liberal democracy's legitimacy, actively endorsing it against the alternative of the communist German Democratic Republic.

Conclusion

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Udi Greenberg
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Student Movements ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Small Organizations ◽  
New Vision ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
New Generation

This chapter considers the new vision of democracy ushered in by the generation of the 1960s. Unlike the architects of the postwar order, left-wing students challenged, rather than celebrated, the legitimacy of elected institutions and party politics. Parliaments were merely stages for oligarchies, tools for self-perpetuating elites. In both West Germany and the United States, students claimed that state institutions inevitably reinforced rigid hierarchies and oppressive norms. A “true” democracy could not be built by state agencies. Rather, it would emerge from “autonomy,” from small organizations, student movements, NGOs, and, later, human rights organizations. When the frustration and anger of this new generation exploded in protest in the late 1960s, German émigrés were among its main targets. Student journals and pamphlets frequently attacked and ridiculed the leading thinkers of the older generation. Such criticism was especially ferocious in West Germany, where returning émigrés came to represent Cold War ties with an amoral and depraved United States.

scholarly journals A (Trans)National Emotional Community? Greek Political Songs and the Politicisation of Greek Migrants in West Germany in the 1960s and early 1970s

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-614
Author(s):  
NIKOLAOS PAPADOGIANNIS
Keyword(s):  
West Germany ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The Social ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The One ◽  
Greek Migrants ◽  
Political Songs

AbstractThis article examines the emotional standards and experiences connected with the entehno laiko music composed by Mikis Theodorakis that was immensely popular among left-wing Greek migrants, workers and students, living in West Germany in the 1960s and the early 1970s. Expanding on a body of literature that explores the transnational dimensions of protest movements in the 1960s and the 1970s, the article demonstrates that these transnational dimensions were not mutually exclusive with the fact that at least some of those protestors felt that they belonged to a particular nation. Drawing on the conceptual framework put forth by Barbara Rosenwein, it argues that the performance of these songs was conducive to the making of a (trans)national emotional community. On the one hand, for Greek left-wingers residing in West Germany and, after 1967, for Greek centrists too, the collective singing of music composed by Theodorakis initially served as a means of ‘overcoming fear’ and of forging committed militants who struggled for the social and political transformation of their country of origin. On the other, from the late 1960s onwards those migrants increasingly enacted this emotional community with local activists from West Germany as well.

DEMOCRACY AS A CONTESTED CONCEPT IN POST-WAR WESTERN EUROPE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF POLITICAL DEBATES IN FRANCE, WEST GERMANY, AND ITALY

2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
PEPIJN CORDUWENER
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S

ABSTRACTThis article explores how political parties in France, West Germany, and Italy conceptualized democracy and challenged the conceptions of democracy of their political adversaries between the end of the 1940s and the early 1960s. It studies from a comparative perspective the different conceptions of democracy held by Christian democrat, Left-wing, and Gaullist political actors and shows how these diverged on key issues such as the economic system, foreign policy, the separation of powers, electoral systems, and the use of state institutions in the defence of democracy against anti-democratic forces. In this way, the article reveals how in the first fifteen years after the Second World War, government and opposition parties disputed each other's democratic credentials and political legitimacy, and it thereby reconsiders the claim that there existed a broad consensus on the meaning of democracy among political elites in post-war Western Europe. It is argued that these different conceptions of democracy only started to converge after they had clashed during political crises at the turn of the 1960s in all three states. This study thereby contributes to an enhanced understanding the formation of the post-war democratic order in Western Europe.

THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY AND THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC DURING THE ERA OF NON-RECOGNITION, 1949–1973

2002 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 433-458 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEFAN BERGER ◽  
DARREN G. LILLEKER
Keyword(s):  
German Democratic Republic ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
German Government ◽  
German State ◽  
British Labour ◽  
Heated Debate ◽  
Official Recognition

The German Democratic Republic (GDR) became the focus of a recurrent and sometimes heated debate within the British Labour party before 1973. The official stance of the party followed an all-party consensus within parliament about the non-recognition of the second German state. Yet many on the left wing of the Labour party came, for various reasons, to perceive such an inflexible stance as governed not by reason but dictated by the West German government. Such ambivalence towards West Germany and the Adenauer government in particular led to ambiguities within the party's policy as a considerable minority, including some key figures within the party, offered alternative strategies for maintaining or improving relations with the GDR. The most radical alternative, official recognition of the GDR as a legal, political entity, was only propounded by a core of hard left campaigners both within and outside the party. This article examines why sections of the Labour left came to sympathize with the GDR and how successful it was in influencing official party policy during the whole period of non-recognition of the GDR between 1949 and 1973.

The Genesis and Internal Dynamics of El Salvador's People's Revolutionary Army, 1970–1976

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 102-129
Author(s):  
ALBERTO MARTÍN ÁLVAREZ ◽  
EUDALD CORTINA ORERO
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Internal Dynamics ◽  
Internal Coherence ◽  
The 1960S

AbstractUsing interviews with former militants and previously unpublished documents, this article traces the genesis and internal dynamics of the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (People's Revolutionary Army, ERP) in El Salvador during the early years of its existence (1970–6). This period was marked by the inability of the ERP to maintain internal coherence or any consensus on revolutionary strategy, which led to a series of splits and internal fights over control of the organisation. The evidence marshalled in this case study sheds new light on the origins of the armed Salvadorean Left and thus contributes to a wider understanding of the processes of formation and internal dynamics of armed left-wing groups that emerged from the 1960s onwards in Latin America.

Arte ConTexto

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Pictorial Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.

“Because every recipient is also a potential patient” – TV Health Programmes in the FRG and the GDR, from the 1960s to the 1980s

Gesnerus ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 76 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-191
Author(s):  
Susanne Vollberg
Keyword(s):  
Public Awareness ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Continuous Coverage ◽  
Public Consciousness ◽  
Television Programme ◽  
East German ◽  
Health And Disease ◽  
Media Systems ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
And Function

In the television programme of West Germany from the 1960s to the 1980s, health magazines like Gesundheitsmagazin Praxis [Practice Health Magazine] (produced by ZDF)1 or ARD-Ratgeber: Gesundheit [ARD Health Advisor] played an important role in addressing health and disease as topics of public awareness. With their health magazine Visite [Doctor’s rounds], East German television, too relied on continuous coverage and reporting in the field. On the example of above magazines, this paper will examine the history, design and function of health communication in magazine-type formats. Before the background of the changes in media policy experienced over three decades and the different media systems in the then two Germanys, it will discuss the question of whether television was able to move health relevant topics and issues into public consciousness.

scholarly journals Music for International Solidarity: Performances of Race and Otherness in the German Democratic Republic

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-139
Author(s):  
ELAINE KELLY
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
German Democratic Republic ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
West Germany ◽  
International Solidarity

AbstractCentral to the official identity of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) was the state's positioning of itself as the antifascist and anti-colonial other to West Germany. This claim was supported by the GDR's extensive programme of international solidarity, which was targeted at causes such as the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa. A paradox existed, however, between the vision of a universal proletariat that underpinned the discourse of solidarity and the decidedly more exclusive construct of socialist identity that was fostered in the GDR itself. In this article, I explore some of the processes of othering that were embedded in solidarity narratives by focusing on two quite contrasting musical outputs that were produced in the name of solidarity: the LP Kämpfendes Vietnam, which was released on the Amiga record label in 1967, and the Deutsche Staatsoper's 1973 production of Ernst Hermann Meyer's anti-apartheid opera, Reiter der Nacht.

Demokracja nieprzedstawicielska – egalitarne „wyjście awaryjne”czy narzędzie autorytarnych populistów?

1970 ◽  
Vol 23 (301) ◽  
pp. 93-102
Author(s):  
Bartosz Rydliński
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Neoliberal Globalization ◽  
Contemporary Debate ◽  
Democratic Political System

The article presents the main ideological and theoretic assumptions of non-representative democracy, having historically strongly left-wing character, not an easy practice of applying this form of democracy in Polish and European conditions. The author tries to indicate a certain dialectic dualism of direct democracy, which more and more often constitutes contemporary crisis of liberal democracy in the contemporary debate on the negative impact of neoliberal globalization on democratic political system.

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