The Politics of Parody

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Francis Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
William Shakespeare ◽  
John Milton ◽  
Literary History ◽  
Jonathan Swift ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political World ◽  
Novel Approach ◽  
The Relationship

This book explores how the works of William Shakespeare, John Milton, Jonathan Swift, and others were taken up by caricaturists as a means of helping the eighteenth-century British public make sense of political issues, outrages, and personalities. The first in-depth exploration of the relationship between literature and visual satire in this period, the book explores how great texts, seen through the lens of visual parody, shape how we understand the political world. It offers a fascinating, novel approach to literary history.

ELITE WOMEN, SOCIAL POLITICS, AND THE POLITICAL WORLD OF LATE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND

2000 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 669-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELAINE CHALUS
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Social Dimension ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Politics ◽  
Social Situations ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political World ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship

Political historians have recognized that politics and high society interacted in eighteenth-century England; and most would also recognize the presence of elite women in the social world of politicians. These assumptions have not, however, been subjected to much scrutiny. This article takes the social aspects of politics seriously and aims to provide an introduction to social politics – the management of people and social situations for political ends – and, specifically, to the involvement of women therein. Politics in eighteenth-century England was not just about parliament and politicians; it also had a social dimension. By expanding our understanding of politics to include social politics, we not only reintegrate women into the political world but we also reveal them to have been legitimate political actors, albeit on a non-parliamentary stage, where they played a vital part in creating and sustaining both a uniquely politicized society and the political elite itself. While specific historical circumstances combined in the eighteenth century to facilitate women's socio-political involvement, social politics is limited neither to women nor to the eighteenth century. It has wider implications for historians of all periods and calls into question the way that we conceptualize politics itself. The relationship between the obstinately nebulous arena of social politics and the traditional arena of high politics is ever-changing, but by trivializing the former we limit our ability to understand the latter.

The Increasing Racialization of American Electoral Politics, 1988-2016

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam M. Enders ◽  
Jamil S. Scott
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Major Party ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Political World ◽  
Racial Resentment ◽  
The Relationship

In this article, we examine the relationship between racial resentment and a host of political attitudes, predispositions, and behaviors across 28 years and 7 presidential elections. We find, contrary to the suggestions of recent work of the role of race in the Obama era, that the racialization of seemingly nonracial political issues began many years before the debut of Barack Obama and extends beyond his presidency. More specifically, we find, controlling for other factors, that the relationships between racial resentment and partisan and ideological self-identifications, evaluations of the major party presidential candidates, and attitudes about health insurance and governmental services have strengthened each subsequent year beginning in 1988 through 2016. This trend reflects the growing extent to which racial considerations are brought to bear on individual evaluations of and orientations toward the political world.

The Gallic Singularity and the Royal Mistress

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-66
Author(s):  
Christine Adams
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Marie Antoinette ◽  
Louis Xvi ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Realm

The relationship of the French king and royal mistress, complementary but unequal, embodied the Gallic singularity; the royal mistress exercised a civilizing manner and the soft power of women on the king’s behalf. However, both her contemporaries and nineteenth- and early twentieth-century historians were uncomfortable with the mistress’s political power. Furthermore, paradoxical attitudes about French womanhood have led to analyses of her role that are often contradictory. Royal mistresses have simultaneously been celebrated for their civilizing effect in the realm of culture, chided for their frivolous expenditures on clothing and jewelry, and excoriated for their dangerous meddling in politics. Their increasing visibility in the political realm by the eighteenth century led many to blame Louis XV’s mistresses—along with Queen Marie-Antoinette, who exercised a similar influence over her husband, Louis XVI—for the degradation and eventual fall of the monarchy. This article reexamines the historiography of the royal mistress.

Conclusion

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
John West
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Literary History ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
Religious Differences

Literary history often positions Dryden as the precursor to the great Tory satirists of the eighteenth century, like Pope and Swift. Yet a surprising number of Whig writers expressed deep admiration for Dryden, despite their political and religious differences. They were particularly drawn to the enthusiastic dimensions of his writing. After a short reading of Dryden’s poem to his younger Whig contemporary William Congreve, this concluding chapter presents three case studies of Whig writers who used Dryden to develop their own ideas of enthusiastic literature. These three writers are Elizabeth Singer Rowe, John Dennis, and the Third Earl of Shaftesbury. These case studies are used to critique the political polarizations of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century literary history and to stress instead how literary friendship crossed political allegiances, and how writers of differing ideological positions competed to control mutually appealing ideas and vocabularies.

scholarly journals Ideological Consistency, Political Orientation, and Variability Across Moral Foundations

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Pyszczynski ◽  
Pelin Kesebir ◽  
Matt Motyl ◽  
Andrea Yetzer ◽  
Jacqueline M. Anson
Keyword(s):  
Political Orientation ◽  
Gun Control ◽  
The Political ◽  
Moral Foundations ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Relationship

We conceptualized ideological consistency as the extent to which an individual’s attitudes toward diverse political issues are coherent among themselves from an ideological standpoint. Four studies compared the ideological consistency of self-identified liberals and conservatives. Across diverse samples, attitudes, and consistency measures, liberals were more ideologically consistent than conservatives. In other words, conservatives’ individual-level attitudes toward diverse political issues (e.g., abortion, gun control, welfare) were more dispersed across the political spectrum than were liberals’ attitudes. Study 4 demonstrated that variability across commitments to different moral foundations predicted ideological consistency and mediated the relationship between political orientation and ideological consistency.

The Literary and the Political in the Fifteenth Century

2019 ◽  
pp. 37-80
Author(s):  
Pankaj Jha
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Literary History ◽  
Political History ◽  
North India ◽  
The Political ◽  
Literary Cultures ◽  
Literature History ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Regional Histories

Historians rarely write about the fifteenth century in north India. When they do, it is within certain set frames, for instance, as an interregnum, or as part of ‘regional’ histories. Occasionally, they write about the ferment of the bhakti ‘movement’ during the period. Tracing the narrow lanes of this historiography, the chapter also points to recent researches that raise some interesting questions. These relate to military labour, literary cultures, vernacularization, multilingualism, and so on. Apart from taking a critical stock of this historiography, the chapter explores how literary history might be fruitfully linked to ‘mainstream’ political history. It analyses meanings of, and the relationship between, literature, history, and power. Texts are not just innocent sources and repository of information. They are also seen as interventions in an ongoing conversation with other texts in the same and related themes and areas.

scholarly journals Partisan Disagreements Arising from Rationalization of Common Information

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 477-492 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin E. Lauderdale
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Experimental Demonstration ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Quantitative Evidence ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Common Information ◽  
Political World

Why do opposing partisans sometimes disagree about the facts and processes that are relevant to understanding political issues? One explanation is that citizens may have a psychological tendency toward adopting beliefs about the political world that rationalize their partisan preferences. Previous quantitative evidence for rationalization playing a role in explaining partisan factual disagreement has come from cross-sectional covariation and from correction experiments. In this paper, I argue that these rationalizations can occur as side effects when citizens change their attitudes in response to partisan cues and substantively relevant facts about a political issue. Following this logic, I motivate and report the results of a survey experiment that provides US Republicans and Democrats with information that they will be inclined to rationalize in different ways, because they have different beliefs about which political actors they should agree with. The results are a novel experimental demonstration that partisan disagreements about the political world can arise from rationalization.

Hong Kong and Japan: Commerce, Culture and Contention

2003 ◽  
Vol 176 ◽  
pp. 1052-1067 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Bridges
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Hong Kong ◽  
Cultural Dimensions ◽  
Important Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The Relationship

This article analyses the nature of contemporary Hong Kong–Japan relations in their economic, political and cultural dimensions, setting the relationship within the broader context of Sino-Japanese relations, concerns about identity and nationalism within Hong Kong, and changing Japanese commercial priorities. While the commercial and popular cultural ties between Japan and Hong Kong remain dominant, since the mid-1990s political issues have become more visible in Hong Kong–Japan relations. Changing moods within Hong Kong about the handover and, after 1997, about the nature of the redefined relationship with China have had an important influence on the political economy of Hong Kong–Japan relations.

scholarly journals From Caméra-Stylo to Photobook: On Chris Marker’s Staring Back

2012 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-132
Author(s):  
Jan Baetens
Keyword(s):  
Film Studies ◽  
The Political ◽  
Close Reading ◽  
Still Images ◽  
Moving Image ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Moving Images ◽  
Strong Emphasis ◽  
The Relationship

In this article, the author analyzes Chris Marker’s photography, in particular the project Staring Back (an exhibition and a book, published in 2007), which offers a synthesis in fixed images of the film career of this author who has always explored the blurred boundaries between the still and the moving image (for example in his 1962 cult movie La jetée, or in later photo-films such as Si j’avais quatre dromadaires, 1966, and Le souvenir d’un avenir, with Yannick Bellon, 2001). The author relies on Marker’s notion of the “superluminal” (which refers to a special way of selecting still images out of the flow of moving images) as well as on contemporary and historical discussions on intermediality (inside and outside the domain of film studies alone) and cinephilia (as a specific way of combining writing and filming), to propose a close reading of Staring Back. In this reading, the author places strong emphasis on the political issues around looking and the relationship between artist and model.

scholarly journals Ketika Agama dan Masyarakat Digital Menjadi Senjata Baru Propagada Politik

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 347
Author(s):  
Safutra Rantona ◽  
Asmaul Husna
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
Major Axis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Virtual Spaces ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
Religious Social Movements ◽  
The Relationship

Nineteen months have passed, but the action of the political religious social movements which born post religious sacrilege case on Elections Jakarta turned out to be far from over. The movement originally was a step of consolidation in order to evoke the political consciousness of Muslims, now began to be infiltrated by other groups with particular interests. These interest groups considered to sharpen the conflict and cause the political noise never ended across this country. This article try to expose how the social-political issues played massif and structured in virtual spaces by interest groups in order to form the force and gained the power of politics. And how the relationship between religion, state, and people are pitted in order that the collective identity look sharper. So no wonder that the people of Indonesia now seems to have split in two major axis, Religious versus Nationalist.Sembilan belas bulan telah berlalu, namun aksi dari gerakan sosial politik religius yang lahir pasca kasus penistaan agama pada Pilkada DKI Jakarta ternyata belumlah usai. Gerakan yang semula merupakan sebuah langkah konsolidasi guna membangkitkan kesadaran politik umat islam, kini mulai ditunggangi oleh kelompok lain dengan kepentingan tertentu. Kelompok kepentingan inilah yang ditengarai memperkeruh konflik dan menyebabkan kegaduhan politik tak kunjung usai di seantero negeri. Artikel ini mencoba memaparkan bagaimana isu-isu sosial politik kemudian dimainkan secara massif dan terstruktur dalam ruang-ruang virtual oleh kelompok kepentingan guna membentuk kekuatan politik dan demi meraih kekuasaan. Serta bagaimana relasi antara agama, rakyat, dan negara dibenturkan agar identitas kolektif terlihat lebih tajam. Maka tak heran jika kini rakyat Indonesia seolah telah terpropaganda dan terbelah dalam dua poros besar, Agamis dan Nasionalis.

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