Ground Work

2021 ◽  
pp. 26-51
Author(s):  
Christian Lund
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Social Revolution ◽  
Land Claims ◽  
Japanese Occupation ◽  
Local Case ◽  
The Status ◽  
Land Struggle ◽  
North Sumatra

This chapter examines the longue durée reproduction of the material agrarian structure and the violently and radically changing political regimes. It operates at two levels. First, on the large scale of time and space, the chapter shows how the political contexts over time have supported and undermined various land claims at different junctures — from the first Dutch land acquisition in the 1860s in North Sumatra through Japanese occupation, social revolution, “guided democracy,” the “New Order,” and reformasi. It also demonstrates how the patterns of claims and counterclaims, acquisitions and evictions, occupations and retreats, have emerged. Second, the chapter provides a detailed analysis of a single, emblematic, enduring conflict. The local case shows how legalization, in connection with the other nine-tenths of the law, allowed plantation agriculture to hold off smallholder challenges for decades. Some claims in this land struggle challenged the status quo, but proved to be ephemeral and short-lived. Other claims, however, reproduced effectively. They hardened and institutionalized, propped up by statutory law, regulation, force, and other practices.

scholarly journals A Gendered Enterprise: Placing Nineteenth-Century Businesswomen in History

1998 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy Gamber
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Small Business ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Upper Management ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
The Status ◽  
Large Corporations

Readers who perused a 1904 issue of the Atlantic Monthly encountered an article with the intriguing title of “The Small Business as a School of Manhood.” Largely a diatribe against the growing dominance of large corporations, it lamented the presumably inevitable passing of smaller concerns. Curiously, its author, Henry A. Stimson, placed relatively little emphasis on the economic or even the political consequences of this development. Rather, he worried that the new order, which reduced would-be entrepreneurs to the status of corporate employees, represented “the loss of something fine in manhood.” Men who inhabited the newly-created ranks of middle and upper management might lead prosperous lives but faced the loss of their selfrespect, their dignity, their “intellectual stamina.” As Stimson saw it, they had been emasculated by the rise of the corporation.

Corporate Repertoires of Control and Performances of Power in a Contested Land Deal in Senegal

2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 675-703
Author(s):  
Marie Gagné
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Land Claims ◽  
Host Countries ◽  
The Past

AbstractFarmland investments have attracted numerous entrepreneurs and companies to Africa in the past two decades. However, acquiring, retaining, and exploiting large-scale landholdings is more complicated than it seems. Investors need to persuade governments and populations of their anticipated benefits and limit dissenting voices when they emerge. Focusing on a contested land project in Senegal, Gagné develops the concept of “repertoires of control” to analyze the different performances of power that companies deploy to assert and legitimize their land claims. She argues that to survive, companies must continually adapt these performances to changes in the political environment of their host countries.

scholarly journals Islamic Law in the Legal Political System

Al-Mizan ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 156-184
Author(s):  
Indah Abbas
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Political System ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Japanese Occupation ◽  
Reform Period ◽  
History Of

This article discusses the history of the development of Islamic law in the legal political system in Indonesia. The problem discussed in this article is how the history of the phases of Islamic law in Indonesia and how the formation of Islamic law in the development of the political system in Indonesia. The results showed that: First, the history of the development of Islamic law in Indonesia, namely from the pre-colonial period of the Netherlands, the Dutch colonial period, the period of Japanese occupation, the period of parliamentary democracy, the old and new order periods, and the reform period; Second, the position of Islamic law in the development of national law in Indonesia plays an important role in the orderliness of the Indonesian people, especially Muslims and is used as material in the preparation of national law

scholarly journals Chiang Mai City Hall: Western or Siamese Architecture in Lanna

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 104
Author(s):  
Piyadech Arkarapotiwong
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Studies ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Northern Region ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chiang Mai ◽  
Cultural Center ◽  
City Hall ◽  
Social Events ◽  
The Status

During the reign of King Rama V (1868-1910) to King Rama VI (1910-1925), Chiang Mai City Halls were developed from local Lanna to Siam-Western style.  This study revealed the political reasons that Chiang Mai City Hall (former) was a Western-style building mixed with a local style. At present, this Chiang Mai City Hall is converted into Chiang Mai City Arts & Cultural Center. The Chiang Mai City Hall was once a large-scale City Hall and ranked the status to be the Monthon Payap (Northern region) City Hall. Therefore, it was one of the significant buildings of a whole Lanna. This research was to raise a question about the style of Chiang Mai City Hall (former) regarding the reasons for its construction of the Western-style building in the center of Chiang Mai City. This research also provided the answers through its comparative studies on the styles of city halls in Thailand from the reign of King Rama V (1868-1910) to the end of the reign of King Rama VI (1910-1925), including social events and politics in each particular period. It found that Chiang Mai City Hall (former) was constructed in line with the standard patterns of city halls in that period from Bangkok whereas the reasons for such Western-style building stemmed from the popularity of such particular styles since the reign of King Rama V for political reasons. The Western-style building of that city hall was therefore chosen through the reasons and preference of centralized power in Bangkok to be constructed in Chiang Mai. For this reason, to consider the style of this building, Siamese had played an important role to influence Chiang Mai city hall over the Western-Style itself. 

scholarly journals Mal d'archive: On the Growth of Gunter Demnig's Stolperstein-Project

Paragraph ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 372-386
Author(s):  
Dora Osborne
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Control ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Perspective ◽  
The Status

In Archive Fever, Derrida opens a critical perspective on the status of the trace as that which remains with his reading of Gradiva, the Pompeian fantasy woman who is supposed to have left her singular toe-print in the ash of Vesuvius. This article returns to the figure of Gradiva as emblem for the non-coincidence of origin and trace, in order to outline the (increasingly troubling) archival aspects of Gunter Demnig's Stolperstein-project, a large-scale, decentralized memorial commemorating those deported under National Socialism. Returning to the site of a missed encounter, Demnig attempts to reinscribe the trace of those who vanished there. But as his project grows, it also shows signs of archive fever, betraying a desire to take possession of the trace of the other, and revealing how, as Derrida describes, the archive does not exist without the political control of memory.

Women in Power and Decision making Positions : Conditions and Restraints

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Policies And Procedures ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Slow Progress

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!

Orthodox arrangement of the Pochaiv Lavra in the second third of the XIX century.

2021 ◽  
pp. 13-41
Author(s):  
Ella Volodymyrivna Bystrytska
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Political Motivation ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Xix Century

Abstract: A series of imperial decrees of the 1820s ordering the establishment of a Greco-Uniate Theological Collegium and appropriate consistories contributed to the spread of the autocratic synodal system of government and the establishment of control over Greek Uniate church institutions in the annexed territories of Right-Bank Ukraine. As a result, the Greco-Uniate Church was put on hold in favor of the government's favorable grounds for the rapid localization of its activities. Basilian accusations of supporting the Polish November Uprising of 1830-1831 made it possible to liquidate the OSBM and most monasteries. The transfer of the Pochaiv Monastery to the ownership of the Orthodox clergy in 1831 was a milestone in the liquidation of the Greco-Uniate Church and the establishment of a Russian-style Orthodox mono-confessionalism. On the basis of archival documents, the political motivation of the emperor's decree to confiscate the Pochayiv Monastery from the Basilians with all its property and capital was confirmed. The transfer to the category of monasteries of the 1st class and the granting of the status of a lavra indicated its special role in strengthening the position of the autocracy in the western region of the Russian Empire. The orders of the Holy Synod outline the key tasks of ensuring the viability of the Lavra as an Orthodox religious center: the introduction of continuous worship, strengthening the personal composition of the population, delimitation of spiritual responsibilities, clarifying the affiliation of the printing house. However, maintaining the rhythm of worship and financial and economic activities established by the Basilians proved to be a difficult task, the solution of which required ten years of hard work. In order to make quick changes in the monastery, decisions were made by the emperor and senior government officials, and government agencies were involved at the local level, which required the coordination of actions of all parties to the process.

Revolution

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nimer Sultany
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Order ◽  
New Order ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Arab Spring

This chapter argues that revolution is not separate from the very discourse and arrangements it responds to. Rather, it is subsumed in a legitimation discourse, and it is engulfed by similar tensions. Although revolution may erupt because of a perceived legitimacy deficit, it does not solve the conceptual deficiency of legitimacy. This is because revolution vacillates between an event that inaugurated it and a process that seeks to complete it. This duality makes revolution a contradictory concept that includes its own negation because different protagonists deploy it in contradictory ways. The very qualities that enable the designation of the Arab Spring as a revolution enable the counter-revolution. In other words, revolution does not provide a stable, unambiguous framework within which the new political order can be established. Consequently, the revolution’s attempt to delegitimate the status quo and legitimate the new order re-enacts the incoherence and instability of other legitimation devices.

The Concept of the Political

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mass Movements ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 2 reinterprets Schmitt’s concept of the political. Schmitt argued that Weimar developments, especially the rise of mass movements politically opposed to the state and constitution, demonstrated that the state did not have any sort of monopoly over the political, contradicting the arguments made by predominant Weimar state theorists, such as Jellinek and Meinecke. Not only was the political independent of the state, Schmitt argued, but it could even be turned against it. Schmitt believed that his contemporaries’ failure to recognize the nature of the political prevented them from adequately responding to the politicization of society, inadvertently risking civil war. This chapter reanalyzes Schmitt’s political from this perspective. Without ignoring enmity, it argues that Schmitt also defines the political in terms of friendship and, importantly, “status par excellence” (the status that relativizes other statuses). It also examines the relationship between the political and Schmitt’s concept of representation.

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