scholarly journals A Gendered Enterprise: Placing Nineteenth-Century Businesswomen in History

1998 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy Gamber
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Small Business ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Upper Management ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
The Status ◽  
Large Corporations

Readers who perused a 1904 issue of the Atlantic Monthly encountered an article with the intriguing title of “The Small Business as a School of Manhood.” Largely a diatribe against the growing dominance of large corporations, it lamented the presumably inevitable passing of smaller concerns. Curiously, its author, Henry A. Stimson, placed relatively little emphasis on the economic or even the political consequences of this development. Rather, he worried that the new order, which reduced would-be entrepreneurs to the status of corporate employees, represented “the loss of something fine in manhood.” Men who inhabited the newly-created ranks of middle and upper management might lead prosperous lives but faced the loss of their selfrespect, their dignity, their “intellectual stamina.” As Stimson saw it, they had been emasculated by the rise of the corporation.

Ground Work

2021 ◽  
pp. 26-51
Author(s):  
Christian Lund
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Social Revolution ◽  
Land Claims ◽  
Japanese Occupation ◽  
Local Case ◽  
The Status ◽  
Land Struggle ◽  
North Sumatra

This chapter examines the longue durée reproduction of the material agrarian structure and the violently and radically changing political regimes. It operates at two levels. First, on the large scale of time and space, the chapter shows how the political contexts over time have supported and undermined various land claims at different junctures — from the first Dutch land acquisition in the 1860s in North Sumatra through Japanese occupation, social revolution, “guided democracy,” the “New Order,” and reformasi. It also demonstrates how the patterns of claims and counterclaims, acquisitions and evictions, occupations and retreats, have emerged. Second, the chapter provides a detailed analysis of a single, emblematic, enduring conflict. The local case shows how legalization, in connection with the other nine-tenths of the law, allowed plantation agriculture to hold off smallholder challenges for decades. Some claims in this land struggle challenged the status quo, but proved to be ephemeral and short-lived. Other claims, however, reproduced effectively. They hardened and institutionalized, propped up by statutory law, regulation, force, and other practices.

scholarly journals Cultures of Victory and the Political Consequences of Foundational Legitimacy in Croatia and Kosovo

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 799-824
Author(s):  
Mieczysław P. Boduszyński ◽  
Vjeran Pavlaković
Keyword(s):  
State Formation ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Way

What are the consequences of a culture of victory in countries undergoing new state formation and democratic transition? In this article, we examine ‘foundational legitimacy,’ or a hegemonic narrative about the way in which a new state was created, and the role particular groups played in its creation. We argue that the way in which victory is institutionalized can pose a grave threat to the democratic project. If reconciliation and democratization depend of integrating losers into the new order and recognizing plural narratives of state formation, then exclusivist narratives based on foundational legitimacy pose a direct challenge to both. We focus on two Yugoslav successor states, Kosovo and Croatia. For both cases, we trace how appeals to ‘foundational legitimacy’ by groups that claim a leading role in the struggle for independence fostered a politics of exclusion, which ran counter to both the spirit of democracy. In Croatia, foundational legitimacy was partly challenged after 2000 by reformist political forces, though more recently it has re-appeared in political life. In Kosovo, foundational legitimacy was never successfully challenged and continues to shape political dynamics to the present day.

scholarly journals Implicit and Explicit Prejudice Are Related to Explicit Support for Politicians Who are Conservative, but not White or Male, Mostly Because They Promote Inequality

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hui Bai
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Psychological Function ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Explicit Evaluation ◽  
Explicit Prejudice ◽  
The Status ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Implicit And Explicit

Recent studies show that explicit prejudice is related to explicit support for conservative and opposition for liberal politicians, regardless of their demographics such as race and gender. However, it remains unclear how prejudice is associated with evaluation of candidates on the implicit domain. Furthermore, prior theories assume that these associations exist because of the politicians’ preferences for inequality and status quo, but these assumptions have never been empirically tested. Four pre-registered experiments clarify that politicians’ ideology, not race or gender, determines the association between prejudice and explicit evaluation of politicians, regardless of whether prejudice is measured explicitly or implicitly. These preferences are primarily driven by citizens’ preferences for politicians who support inequality, and to a lesser extent, preferences for those who support the status quo. Together, these findings clarify the political consequences of racism and sexism and further our understanding of the psychological function of prejudice.

Mourning Imam Husayn in Karbala and Kabul: The political meanings of ʿAshura in Afghanistan

Afghanistan ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-236
Author(s):  
Robert D. Crews
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Public Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
Lay People ◽  
The Status ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Ritual Practices

This article explores Afghan Twelver Shiʿi commemoration of the martyrdom of Imam Husayn at the Battle of Karbala. It shows how the rites of remembrance and mourning celebrated on ʿAshura in Afghanistan has evolved in important ways from the late nineteenth century to the recent past. More than a pivotal event in the ritual calendar of Shiʿism, ʿAshura has served as an index of Afghan politics—and a field of contestation among state officials, clerical authorities, and the Shiʿi faithful. It has thus been at the center of struggles over the identity of the Afghan nation, the status of the Shia, and ritual practices in public life. Drawing on representations of ʿAshura produced by government authorities, state media, clerics, and lay people, this article examines how different actors have competed to give ʿAshura meaning and to develop distinctively Afghan forms of commemoration.

Language and the Sentiment of Nationality

1916 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl Darling Buck
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
European Politics ◽  
Active Force ◽  
Considerable Part ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Balkan States ◽  
Autonomous Development

The nineteenth century, it is a commonplace to remark, witnessed a notable revival of nationalistic sentiment, the germs of which go back to the eighteenth, and the political consequences of which are in considerable part still outstanding. The emancipation of the Balkan States, the union of Italy, and the consolidation of Germany, were substantial, though incomplete, realizations of nationalism. The Germanization of Austria-Hungary, which had seemed inevitable, was brought to a halt by the national revival of Slav and Magyar. And today, not to mention the Irish situation, Eastern Europe is fairly alive with smaller nationalities seeking to gain or to maintain autonomous development. Nationalism, in spite of, or rather because of its being so largely a matter of sentiment, is the most active force in European politics. The dynastic system, certainly, is only a superficial relic of a past reality; loyalty to a dynasty, except as it is identified with nationalism, has lost its former significance. And on the other hand, a socialistic brotherhood which shall rise superior to the bounds of nationality is a dream of the future.

Islamic Organizations in the United States

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jocelyne Cesari
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
War On Terror ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
The Status ◽  
Islamic Organizations

The status and strategies of the Islamic organizations in the United States have been dramatically changed by 9/11. The ethnic, social, and cultural diversity of these organizations has been eclipsed by the perception of the “Muslim enemy” and therefore obliged past and new leaders to adjust to the political consequences of the War on Terror and the rise of Islamophobia.

The Spread of the Sooro

2012 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-185
Author(s):  
Mark D. Delancey
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Direct Relation ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Important Index ◽  
Political Symbolism ◽  
The Status ◽  
Northern Cameroon ◽  
Sokoto Caliphate

The Sooro, the pillared entrance hall to the majority of palaces now existing in northern Cameroon, is an important index of political change in this region. The Spread of the Sooro: Symbols of Power in the Sokoto Caliphate traces the proliferation of sooroji from the time that Fulbe conquerors incorporated this region within the Sokoto caliphate in the early nineteenth century until Cameroon’s independence in 1960. The status of Fulbe rulers who conquered the region was not high enough to employ the political symbolism of the sooro, but the use of this building type spread quickly after German colonial borders separated northern Cameroon from the rest of the caliphate in 1901. Eventually the form expanded beyond the boundaries of the Fulbe and spread among non-Fulbe rulers. By explaining the changes in the form and political symbolism of the sooro, Mark DeLancey argues that it was a symbol of power spread in direct relation to the loss of real political power of rulers in colonial northern Cameroon.

A Red Flag for Participation: The Influence of Chinese Mainlandization on Political Behavior in Hong Kong

2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292095741
Author(s):  
Nathan Kar Ming Chan ◽  
Lev Nachman ◽  
Chit Wai John Mok
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
The Political ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Identity Group ◽  
The Status ◽  
Red Flag ◽  
Original Survey

This article assesses how contemporary forms of regional assimilation by centralizing states affect the political behavior of threatened social groups within peripheral polities. Recent mainlandization, “the blurring of the physical, social, cultural and psychological border between Mainland China and Hong Kong,” has constrained the region’s autonomy. Here, we consider the political consequences of Chinese mainlandization. How does mainlandization affect the likelihood of political participation in Hong Kong? Drawing and expanding upon theories of social identity, we argue that mainlandization increases the political involvement among those who make the choice to identify as Hong Konger because this is the group under threat by China’s recent actions. Hong Kongers politically mobilize as a response to mainlandization to combat Chinese threat and to improve the status of their identity group, of which their own sense of selves is also tied to. Using an original survey experiment, we find support for our theory. Hong Kongers are influenced by mainlandization to attend contentious protests, recruit others to attend such rallies, and sign pro-democratic petitions. We conclude by noting implications for China’s increasing attempt to assimilate this electoral autocracy and discuss how our research informs Hong Kong political activism in 2019 and 2020.

A Treatise on Practical and Theoretical Sufism in the Sokoto Caliphate

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 152-173
Author(s):  
Ogunnaike Oludamini
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
West Africa ◽  
Detailed Account ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Continent ◽  
Short Text ◽  
Intellectual Traditions ◽  
The Status ◽  
Sokoto Caliphate ◽  
Annotated Translation

Abstract This article presents an annotated translation of The Exposition of Devotions, a short text by Shaykh ʿAbd al-Qādir ibn Muṣtafā (1218–1280/1804–1864) about his spiritual master and maternal uncle, Muḥammad Sambo (1195–1242/1782–1826). Muḥammad Sambo was the son of ʿUthmān ibn Fūdī (also known as Usman dan Fodio), the founder of the Sokoto Caliphate, one of the largest pre-colonial polities on the African continent. While modern scholarship has tended to focus on the political, legal, social, and economic dimensions of the jihad movement that created the Sokoto Caliphate, this text provides a brief, but detailed account of the spiritual practices and discussions amongst Usman dan Fodio’s clan (the Fodiawa), demonstrating the centrality of the Akbarī tradition in technical discussions, as well as the unique developments of this tradition in thirteenth/nineteenth century West Africa. The work begins with an account of a dream of the then-deceased Muḥammad Sambo that occasioned its composition, and after a brief discussion of the status of dreams and their importance, gives an account of Sambo’s spiritual method and practices. The short treatise concludes with the author’s summary of Sambo’s responses to several technical and highly esoteric questions posed to him by the author, illustrating the profound mastery and unique perspectives developed on these topics by the Fodiawa. Combining oneirology, hagiography, practical and theoretical Sufism, this short treatise is an illuminating window into the spiritual and intellectual traditions of the founders of the Sokoto Caliphate.

Companions of the Prophet as Anti-Colonial Fighters: The Political Evolution of ʿAlī Tales in Siberia and the Kazakh Steppe

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Allen J. Frank
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Popular Entertainment ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
Political Evolution ◽  
The Status ◽  
Special Meaning

Abstract Tales about the caliph ʿAlī have circulated as popular entertainment throughout the Islamic world since the medieval era. While their meaning to their audiences has varied, on the frontiers of Islam, including in Siberia and the Kazakh steppe, the battles of ʿAlī and other companions of the Prophet against infidels took on special meaning. Among Kazakh nomads under Russian rule, these tales gained broad popularity in the second half of the nineteenth century as the status of Kazakhs as a Muslim community came under threat from changing Russian policies. It was at this time that Kazakh-language ʿAlī tales were composed and published by Muslim publishers in Russia. One of these was the Qiṣṣa-yi Ṣalṣāl, by the Siberian poet Mäulekey Yumachikov, in which the infidels whom ʿAlī and the other companions battle are clearly identified as being Russians, although placed in the earliest period of Islam. This tale enables us to see the political evolution of such tales, which constitute a response to the cultural and political pressures of Russian colonialism.

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