scholarly journals The Limits of Post-marxism: The (dis)Function of Political Theory in Film and Cultural Studies

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-345
Author(s):  
Paul Bowman

This article first sets out the value of the political discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe. It argues that this work was central to the development of cultural studies, in its theorisation of social and cultural practices as being part of 'political discourse'. This confers a dignity, status, value and political importance on cultural practices of all kinds. However, the article seeks to probe the limits of this approach to cultural politics, and it does so through a necessarily unusual exploration. First, it takes an example of something ostensibly trivial from the realms of film and popular culture and explores it in terms of Laclau and Mouffe's categories, in two different ways. The 'trivial'/pop cultural example is Bruce Lee. Could Bruce Lee be regarded as 'politically' significant or consequential? He was certainly an enormously influential film and popular cultural icon of the 1970s, one who arguably ignited a global 'kung fu craze'. Moreover, Bruce Lee also had his own 'hegemonic project', seeking to transform and unify martial arts practices. In this paper, Bruce Lee's own 'project' is first examined in the terms of Laclauian categories. These are shown to be extremely useful for grasping both the project and the reasons for its failure. Then the article moves into a wider consideration of the emergence of globally popular cultural discourses of martial arts. However, Laclau and Mouffe's approach is shown to be somewhat less than satisfactory for perceiving at least some of the 'political' dimensions entailed in the spread martial arts culture and practices, from contexts of the global south into affluent contexts such as Hollywood film and Euro-American cultural practices. The paper argues that this is because Laclau and Mouffe's approach is logocentric, which leads it to look for and to perceive a very limited range of factors: specifically, political identities formed through political demands. However, to more fully perceive the political dimensions of culture, the paper argues that different kinds of perspective, paradigms and analysis are required. Adopting or developing some of these would enrich the field of political studies.

2020 ◽  
pp. 155541202097561
Author(s):  
Alexander Lambrow

This article addresses the political dimensions of Johan Huizinga’s seminal work Homo Ludens: A study of the play element in culture (1938). More than just a foundational text in academic ludology, this text positioned itself as a polemic against the right-wing political discourse going on in contemporaneous Nazi Germany, represented chiefly by Carl Schmitt. Through his concept of play, Huizinga hoped to resolve what he perceived to be the confusion of play and seriousness among a group of reactionary theorists narrowly focused on the Schmittian Ernstfall, the “serious case” of inimical violence. This article analyzes the usage of the concepts of “play” and “seriousness” in Huizinga’s and Schmitt’s respective corpuses and, finally, places their work in dialogue in order to understand the difficulties involved in defining play as unserious and unpolitical.


Author(s):  
Alexander B. Alexeyev ◽  

The article considers specific features of MMA fighters’ self-presentation. The strategy of self-presentation was studied predominantly on the basis of the political discourse, but it is used in the sport discourse as well. It has been found out that for self-presentation sportsmen actively use metaphors, epithets, similes, allegories, cliches, actualize such modality and formulas as ‘I am an underdog’, ‘I am the best’, ‘I am like you’.


SAGE Open ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 215824401986145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guo Ye

During the 20th century, a version of Kung Fu from the Guangdong region in Southern China became more widely known abroad as a result of Chinese migration to the West, as well as its exposure through popular culture, including the films of Bruce Lee. This article analyses the culture of Guangdong martial arts in the context of this growing exposure. A variety of martial arts sects and associated cultural expressions in other fields give a picture of the traditional martial arts culture in Guangdong. Underpinning these physical manifestations, Guangdong martial arts have derived their ideologies from traditional Chinese philosophy. The dynamic social system supporting Guangdong martial arts provided a platform ensuring that these cultural symbols and values could be created and maintained and exported over several centuries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Bowman

This article situates Bruce Lee at the heart of the emergence of ‘martial arts’. It argues that the notion ‘martial arts’, as we now know it, is a discursive entity that emerged in the wake of media texts, and that the influence of Bruce Lee films of the early 1970s was both seminal and structuring of ‘martial arts’, in ways that continue to be felt. Using the media theory proposition that a limited range of ‘key visuals’ structure the aesthetic terrain of the discursive entity ‘martial arts’, the article assesses the place, role and status of images of Bruce Lee as they work intertextually across a wide range of media texts. In so doing, the article demonstrates the enduring media legacy of Bruce Lee – one that has always overflowed the media realm and influenced the lived, embodied lifestyles of innumerable people the world over, who have seen Bruce Lee and other martial arts texts and gone on to study Chinese and Asian martial arts because of them.


Author(s):  
Gerda Wielander

This chapter analyzes the appearance of happiness in public and political discourse in China in the wider context of socialist modernization underpinned by Chinese socialist views of the psyche. It examines the link between the spiritual and the political and argues that the current emphasis on happiness needs to be understood as a continued effort on the part of the CCP to instil the “correct spirit” in China’s population. The author argues that in this process Lu Xun’s Ah Q has turned from a symbol of feudal decay into a role model for China’s citizens. The chapter draws on a range of conceptual frameworks from cultural studies, psychology, sociology and anthropology in its analysis of the tension between individual and collective happiness and the strategies adopted by the CCP, as ruling party, to address it. Examples from a debate on happiness held in the journal Zhongguo Qingnian中國青年‎ in the 1950s and 1960s are juxtaposed with contemporary sources to illustrate the continuity and differences in the Chinese socialist debates on happiness over the decades.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 347-350
Author(s):  
Andrew Rowcroft

This reply set sets out to briefly evaluate the limits of post-Marxism in contemporary culture before turning to Paul Bowman's innovative use of the contributions of Ernesto Laclau for considering globally popular cultural discourses on martial arts. Building upon the critical and creative openings developed by Bowman, the reply focuses on distinctions between the particular and the universal, the concrete and the abstract, in relation to martial arts practices. The focus on these concepts opens up the ability to contemplate new concrete universals.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.


Author(s):  
Alan L. Mittleman

This chapter moves into the political and economic aspects of human nature. Given scarcity and interdependence, what sense has Judaism made of the material well-being necessary for human flourishing? What are Jewish attitudes toward prosperity, market relations, labor, and leisure? What has Judaism had to say about the political dimensions of human nature? If all humans are made in the image of God, what does that original equality imply for political order, authority, and justice? In what kinds of systems can human beings best flourish? It argues that Jewish tradition shows that we act in conformity with our nature when we elevate, improve, and sanctify it. As co-creators of the world with God, we are not just the sport of our biochemistry. We are persons who can select and choose among the traits that comprise our very own natures, cultivating some and weeding out others.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Badalyan

“Zemsky Sobor” was one of the key concepts in Russian political discourse in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. It can be traced to the notion well-known already since the 17th century. Still in the course of further evolution it received various mew meaning and connotations in the discourse of different political trends. The author of the article examines various stages of this concept configuring in the works of the Decembrists, especially Slavophiles, and then in the political projects and publications of the socialists, liberals and “aristocratic” opposition.


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