Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Regional Development ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Subsequent Development ◽  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Blair Government

This chapter introduces the book as the first of a two-volume study which seeks to provide a comprehensive analysis of devolution in the UK. It focuses on the period from 1997 to 2007, addressing the origins and introduction of the original devolution settlements, and the subsequent decade of their development until the end of the Blair government in 2007. In these years, the original devolution reforms followed extensive debate in the 1980s and 1990s, including in Northern Ireland a peace process and talks that led ultimately to the historic 1998 Belfast Agreement. Referenda in each of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland were held in 1997. The subsequent development of devolution up to 2007 included the move to start at least a debate about further reform in Scotland, as well as more immediately a second Government of Wales Act in 2006. In Northern Ireland, the 2006 St Andrews Agreement reset the terms of the original 1998 settlement, and enabled the resumption of devolution in 2007, after the Northern Ireland Assembly had spent more time suspended than in session. A referendum on an elected assembly for the North East in 2004 ended in a 'no' vote, but the powers of central government offices in the English regions, Regional Development Agencies and indirectly elected regional assemblies nevertheless increased.

Why did the North East Combined Authority fail to achieve a devolution deal with the UK government?

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maximilian Lemprière ◽  
Vivien Lowndes
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Regional Identity ◽  
Theoretical Work ◽  
Formation Processes ◽  
City Region ◽  
Institutional Formation ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Multiple Levels ◽  
The Uk

This article seeks to provide a theoretically informed account of the vexed process of forming a combined authority in the North East of England. It addresses the puzzle of why the North East, an area with a strong regional identity and major regeneration needs, has stumbled in setting up a combined authority and negotiating a devolution deal with central government. Using existing theoretical work on processes of institutional formation, it seeks to account for the concomitant influence of agential, spatial and temporal contingencies as causal factors in explaining the particular path this combined authority took. The process stuttered because of relatively weak and fragmented leadership, contested and poorly articulated constitutional and governmental rules at multiple levels, and spatial and temporal legacies that undermined attempts at city-region governance. It was not possible to mobilise the ‘memory’ of prior institutional arrangements to underpin the new project and economic geographies proved complex and overlapping. In short, the challenges encountered in the North East reflected the animated, nested and embedded character of institutional formation processes.

Developing the Knowledge Economy through University Linkages

2010 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 293-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorraine Warren ◽  
Fumi Kitagawa ◽  
Marc Eatough
Keyword(s):  
Regional Development ◽  
Knowledge Economy ◽  
Triple Helix ◽  
Future Research ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Science Base ◽  
Potential Benefits ◽  
Innovation Strategies ◽  
The Uk

Since their inception in 1999, England's Regional Development Agencies (RDAs) have played a significant and growing role in realizing the potential benefits of the UK science base. This paper explores the innovation strategies being delivered by two RDAs, in the north-east of England (One North East) and the south-east of England (SEEDA), which have faced contrasting challenges in delivering improved innovation performance. The authors conclude with an agenda for future research concerning the development of regional triple helix systems, based on contrasts drawn.

scholarly journals Psychiatry in Ireland

2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 36-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zahid Latif
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
European Economic Community ◽  
Total Population ◽  
Economic Community ◽  
Republic Of Ireland ◽  
North West ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Republic

Ireland is the third largest island in Europe and the twentieth largest island in the world, with an area of 86 576 km2; it has a total population of slightly under 6 million. It lies to the north-west of continental Europe and to the west of Great Britain. The Republic of Ireland covers five-sixths of the island; Northern Ireland, which is part of the United Kingdom, is in the north-east. Twenty-six of the 32 counties are in the Republic of Ireland, which has a population of 4.2 million, and its capital is Dublin. The other six counties are in Northern Ireland, which has a population of 1.75 million, and its capital is Belfast. In 1973 both parts of Ireland joined the European Economic Community. This article looks at psychiatry in the Republic of Ireland.

scholarly journals 'Greenfields' and 'Brownfields': automotive industrial development in the UK and in Portugal

Finisterra ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 31 (62) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Pike ◽  
Mário Vale
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Policy ◽  
Automobile Industry ◽  
Industrial Development ◽  
Development Strategies ◽  
North West ◽  
Demonstration Effect ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Impact

The industrial policy in the UK and in Portugal, as in most EU countries, seeks to attract new investment capacity, to create jobs and to promote the impact of the so-called "demonstration efect" of "greenfield" development strategies pursued in the new plants of inward investors on existing or "brownfield" plants. This industrial policy focus is particularly evident in the automobile industry.This paper compares the industrial policy oriented towards the automobile industry in the UK and in Portugal. Two recent "greenfield" investments are analised: Nissan in the North-East region (UK) and Ford/VW in the Setúbal Peninsula (Portugal), as well as three "brownfield" plants: Ford Halewood and GM Vauxhall Ellesmere Port in the North-West region (UK) and Renault in Setúbal (Portugal). The first part starts with a discussion of industrial policy in the automobile sector, the role of "greenfield" development strategies and the "demonstration effect" on "brownfield" plants. Then, the limits of new inward investment are pointed out, basically their problems and restrictions. Afterwards, the structural barriers to the "demonstration effect" within "brownfield" plants are outlined and some possabilities for alternative "brownfield" development strategies are presented.

Information about Antimalarial Chemoprophylaxis in Hospitalised Patients — Is it Adequate?

1997 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Nathwani ◽  
J Spiteri
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Plasmodium Falciparum ◽  
East Coast ◽  
Central Africa ◽  
Public Health Problem ◽  
Oil Boom ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Hospitalised Patients ◽  
The Uk

Malaria remains a huge public health problem worldwide, with over 100 million new cases annually, causing one to two million deaths.1 This global problem spills over into the UK, with around 2000 cases of reported annually.2 The proportion of infections due to Plasmodium falciparum (PF) continues to increase and worse still accounts for five to 12 deaths per year. In 1992, Nathwani et al reported the 10 year experience of malaria cases admitted to the Regional Infection Unit, in Aberdeen, Scotland-the “Oil Capital”.3 This study was of interest in that 46% of those British residents who acquired infection had travelled to West or Central Africa on oil related business. The Oil boom of the 1980‘ s appeared to very much centred around Aberdeen and the neighbouring hinterland but did not appear to extend to Dundee which was only 60 miles further down the North-East coast. We, therefore, carried out a retrospective study of patients with malaria admitted to the Regional Infectious Diseases Unit in Dundee over a fifteen year period between 1980 and 1994.

Inequalities in awareness and availability of bereavement services in North-East England

2020 ◽  
pp. bmjspcare-2020-002422
Author(s):  
Donna Wakefield ◽  
Elizabeth Fleming ◽  
Kate Howorth ◽  
Kerry Waterfield ◽  
Emily Kavanagh ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Phase 1 ◽  
Waiting Times ◽  
Financial Strain ◽  
Web Based ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Referral Criteria ◽  
National Guidance ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Impact

ObjectivesNational guidance recommends equality in access to bereavement services; despite this, awareness and availability appears inconsistent. The aim of this study was to explore availability and accessibility of bereavement services across the North-East of England and to highlight issues potentially applicable across the UK, at a time of unprecedented need due to the impact of COVID-19.MethodsPhase 1: an eight item, web-based survey was produced. A survey link was cascaded to all GP practices (General Practitioners) in the region. Phase 2: an email was sent to all services identified in phase 1, requesting details such as referral criteria and waiting times.ResultsAll 392 GP practices in the region were invited to participate. The response rate was 22% (85/392). Twenty-one per cent (18/85) of respondents reported that they do not refer patients, comments included ‘not aware of any services locally’. A total of 36 services were contacted with 72% responding with further information. Most bereavement specific support was reliant on charity-funded services including hospices, this sometimes required a pre-existing link with the hospice. Waiting times were up to 4 months.ConclusionsAlthough multiple different, usually charity-funded services were identified, awareness and accessibility were variable. This survey was conducted prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, where complex situations surrounding death is likely to impact on the usual grieving process and increase the need for bereavement support. Meanwhile, charities providing this support are under severe financial strain. There is an urgent need to bridge the gap between need and access to bereavement services.

Conclusion

2021 ◽  
pp. 307-322
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Social ◽  
Territorial Politics ◽  
The Uk

The book has provided four sets of conclusions. First, the examination of territorial strain, the nature of territorial problems and the characteristics of background conditions gives us a lens through which to evaluate critically the social, economic and cultural context to territorial politics. The second set of conclusions relate to the approaches used in the movements for territorial constitutional change in exploiting the support they did have and overcoming those weaknesses that still existed. As part of the reality of how territorial change happens it is to be expected that in the particular case of the UK that all territorial movements emerged out of party political contestation and self-interested party choices, and then had to define approaches heavily determined by party constraints. The third set of conclusions relate to UK central government. The UK centre was also in part defined by the pursuit of party power, and the key party at the UK level ready to address territorial constitutional reform — the Labour Party — faced large challenges and anxieties after 18 years out of office when they prepared for the 1997 general election. The final set of conclusions relate to the importance of constitutional policy processes to the resolution of conflicts in centre–periphery relations. Approaches to the development of devolution policy were followed which made the best efforts to achieve territorial balance under the constraints that they faced. The policy processes in Scotland and Northern Ireland achieved sometimes high, but at least sufficient, levels of inclusiveness in their mechanisms of negotiation.

scholarly journals Reducing pressure ulcers across multiple care settings using a collaborative approach

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. e000409 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Wood ◽  
Bob Brown ◽  
Annette Bartley ◽  
Andreia Margarida Batista Custódio Cavaco ◽  
Anthony Paul Roberts ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Pressure Ulcers ◽  
Length Of Hospital Stay ◽  
Community Services ◽  
Care Community ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Healthcare Improvement ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Breakthrough Series Collaborative ◽  
The Impact

In the UK, over 700 000 patients are affected by pressure ulcers each year, and 180 000 of those are newly acquired each year. The occurrence of pressure ulcers costs the National Health Service (NHS) more than 3.8 million every day. In 2004, pressure ulcers were estimated to cost the NHS £1.4–£2.4 billion per year, which was 4% of the total NHS expenditure.The impact on patients can be considerable, due to increased pain, length of hospital stay and decreased quality of life. However, it is acknowledged that a significant number of these are avoidable.In early 2015, it was identified that for the North East and North Cumbria region the incidence of pressure ulcers was higher than the national average. Because of this, a 2-year Pressure Ulcer Collaborative was implemented, involving secondary care, community services, care homes and the ambulance service, with the aim of reducing the percentage of pressure ulcers developed by patients within their care.The Breakthrough Series Collaborative Model from the Institute for Healthcare Improvement provided the framework for this Collaborative.In year 1, pressure ulcers were reduced by 36%, and in year 2 by 33%, demonstrating an estimated cost saving during the lifespan of the Collaborative of £513 000, and a reduction in the number of bed days between 220 and 352.

4. How the UK is organised

2021 ◽  
pp. 71-99
Author(s):  
Anne Dennett
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
National Security ◽  
Central Government ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
Government Power ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk

This chapter details how power is allocated in the UK, and its organisation in terms of devolution and regional and local government. Power in the UK is divided into three branches or arms of state: legislature (law-makers), executive (government and administration), and judiciary (courts and judges). Before devolution, the government’s (executive’s) administrative power was centralised and it extended to the whole of the UK, but devolution has made significant changes to the constitution and has brought a substantial rebalancing of power in the government of the UK. Since devolution’s introduction, the power of central government no longer extends to the growing areas of domestic policy that have been devolved to Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland. The UK government’s remit therefore now covers England and the whole of the UK on non-devolved matters including the conduct of foreign affairs, defence, national security, and oversight of the Civil Service and government agencies.

Peripherality and Northern Ireland

1994 ◽  
Vol 150 ◽  
pp. 90-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iain Begg ◽  
David Mayes
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Policy Action ◽  
The Troubles ◽  
The North ◽  
Working Age ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Uk ◽  
North Western ◽  
The Eu

In writing recently about the economic problems that Northern Ireland faces (Begg and Mayes, 1994) we argued, uncontroversially, that an end to the ‘Troubles’ would significantly alter the region's prospects. Our analysis, nevertheless, focused on other factors which might be amenable to policy action. With an end to the Troubles in Northern Ireland now on the cards, these other characteristics of the Northern Ireland economy must be expected to be of increased importance in determining the Province's competitiveness compared with other parts of the UK and, indeed, other regions of the European Union. In particular, Northern Ireland is a prime example of a ‘peripheral’ economy, located as it is at the North-Western corner of the EU and facing the further barrier of a sea crossing to markets other than the Republic of Ireland. It is also a region that shares a number of the characteristics of the older industrial regions of Britain, such as high unemployment, persistent emigration of working-age population and difficulties in achieving industrial restructuring (Harris et al., 1990; Harris 1991).

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