‘Europudding’ or European co-production? The archaeology of the television series Eurocops (1988–94)

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-163
Author(s):  
Alice Jacquelin

This chapter examines the case of Eurocops, a crime TV show produced by the European Coproduction Association – composed by one private and six public service broadcasting (PSB) channels of seven European countries – from 1988 to 1994 (71 episodes). Although it is one of the first European co-productions of its kind, Eurocops was a critical and commercial fiasco: what were its faults? Following Ib Bondebjerg’s methodology, this article aims at exploring the failure of this ‘Europudding’. The first section places Eurocops in the media landscape of the late 1980s and explains why this series can be considered as a ‘Europudding’ trying to enforce Europe’s cultural sovereignty against the North American hegemony. The second section analyses how the decentralized PSB production of Eurocops implied the use of an inconsistent narrative structure making the single episodes appear as part of a loose ‘collection’ of crime fiction. This partly explains the lukewarm critical reception of this television programme. The third section examines the cultural meaning of the series and is based on the analysis of the 48 episodes we had access to (through the INA French archives). The lack of transnational ‘encounters’ or dialogues – compared to other more recent cop shows such as The Team, The Killing and The Bridge – reveals the absence of a strong European identity at the time of production.

2016 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 117-129
Author(s):  
Diego Ernesto Parra Sánchez

Unlike countries like United Kingdom, France or The United States, Spain never had a remarkable tradition in the field of Crime Fiction. This lack of solid tradition was the consequence of different causes like censorship, a bad consideration at editorial level and the lack of a deep industrial revolution which brings the urban conflicts which make this type of literature emerge. With the arrival of the democratic Transition, these transformations took place and, as a consequence of this, Spanish Crime Fiction experiments and amazing development born, precisely, with the aim of building up a critical portrait over this political phenomenon and its most relevant milestones taking the hard boiled literary trend from the North American authors as model. Being this one the context reflected by the Juan Madrid´s noir trilogy on Transition, this article intends to display an approach to it and its role as an unbeatable platform to rise up a critical review of this period from three perspectives: the political, the social and economical and that in relation to the media.


Multilingua ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (6) ◽  
pp. 561-586
Author(s):  
Agurtzane Elordui

AbstractVernaculars are increasingly used in media. They are considered to be stylistic resources to attract audiences and to construct media identities. That increase seems to be particularly significant in the case of youth media, which is also the case of Gaztea, a youth webradio station within the Basque public EITB group that we analyse in this work. Gaztea was created in the 90’s and, at that time, its whole production was in Standard Basque. In fact, promoting the newly created Standard Basque was considered to be Gaztea’s principal public service remit. Nowadays, however, the hegemony of that standard in Gaztea has been challenged by a more heteroglossic model in which vernacular speech is strategically used to empathize with the young Basque audience and to construct media identities. At the same time, though, the dominance of Standard Basque persists in Gaztea’s general stylistic design and practice: Vernaculars are excluded from writing, as well as from informative genres and serious and leading voices. Those are some of the conclusions of the research we have carried out on the distribution of vernaculars and Standard Basque across modes, genres and voices in Gaztea, and also from the information we have drawn from interviews with the managers of the media in question. Results from both data sources are important to understand the current ideological views Gaztea shares with young Basque people, as well as how Gaztea positions itself as a stylizer in the language ideological world of Basque youth.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026732312199133
Author(s):  
Christina Holtz-Bacha

With the surge of populism in Europe, public service broadcasting has come under increased pressure. The established media are considered part of the corrupt elite not serving the interests of the people. The public service media, for which pluralism is at the core of their remit, are a particular thorn in the side of the populists. Therefore, they attack the financial basis of public service, which is supposed to guarantee their independence. The populist attacks on the traditional broadcasting corporations meet with the interests of neoliberal politics and of those political actors who want to evade public scrutiny and democratic control and do no longer feel committed to democratic accountability. The assaults on the public service media are thus an assault on freedom of the media and further increase the pressure on the democratic system.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Peggy Albers

AbstractAlthough a great deal of work has been done on the significance of new literacies in ELA teaching and learning, much less has been done on the area of analyzing critically the media that comprise digital projects created by textmakers. Composing with new literacies in mind requires that textmakers locate relevant information, design with particular media in mind that will convey their message, as well as anticipate what the viewer may want to see. However, with nearly unlimited access to images through various search engines, textmakers may be choosing images of convenience rather than content. In her work with preservice teachers, Albers invited them to create Public Service Announcements (PSAs) in response to social issues they saw at play in contemporary and classic literature. Framed in critical multimodal theory, Albers draws upon visual grammar and visual discourse analysis to analyze PSAs to understand how modal choices make visible stable and commonplace assumptions about adolescents, the intended audience for these PSAs.


2021 ◽  
Vol 00 (00) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Ana Balda

This article interrogates the reputation, prevalent to this day, of Balenciaga as being anti-advertising and anti-media, according to some of his contemporary journalists as well as some of his employees and clients. The study contextualizes Balenciaga in the framework of the influence of the fashion press and the reality of the French couture licensing business in the North American fashion market from 1937 to 1968, his years on the international scene. Based on the analysis of the issues of Vogue, Harper’s Bazaar and Women’s Wear Daily for the same period, the research demonstrates that the designer had not always been so scornful of the media. He really was a discreet man, but this does not mean he hated the press, as his designs often appeared in the most influential fashion magazines. The article argues that the negative view in the media’s perception of him was generalized after his veto to the press in January 1956 – a decision he took for business reasons – and was retroactively attributed to his entire professional life.


Author(s):  
Scott Wright

Abstract This article longitudinally analyses how Australian politicians engage with, and attack, journalists and the media more generally on Twitter from 2011–2018. The article finds that attacks on journalists have increased significantly since 2016 when Trump came to power, but this is largely the preserve of populist and far-right politicians. These politicians rarely call the media fake, instead alleging bias or questioning the veracity or standards of reporting and production. Many politicians have a functional relationship with the media, rarely criticising the media. Attacks are largely focused on the national public service broadcaster, the ABC, with limited attacks on commercial media.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-133
Author(s):  
AVILLARRUBIA Andrea Villarrubia-Martínez ◽  
Águeda Águeda Delgado-Ponce ◽  
Ignacio Aguaded-Gómez

Before the pandemic crisis, the irruption of the convergent scenario and the television digitalization forced the Latin American public television to develop strategies that consider new forms of audiovisual consumption and to make the resources profitable, such as the development of digital platforms and co-production with independent creators. Pakapaka, TVN and Señal Colombia coproduced children television programs with Chilean filmmakers that achieved a high audience and received acknowledgements at audiovisual festivals for their quality, their contribution to the local identity and Latin American own nature. Based on a content analysis carried out on tv shows aimed to children, present in both Chilean public digital platforms: CNTV Infantil (former Novasur) and TVN Kids, this study describes the collaborative model from the media literacy perspective, with emphasis on the diversity of children’s programs, considering their origins, acquisition, financing, and characteristics of the protagonist’s characters. The results indicate that the contents are varied and that the presence of female protagonists, native peoples and migrants, although incipient, constitutes a contribution to the identity of the continent’s childhoods. In conclusion, it is essential that public service television can count on permanent funding that promotes the realization of relevant content for children, in accordance with their public service mission, especially in today pandemic crisis and confinement.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dan Howitt

| None of the hundreds of millions of people, from May 2017 to the present, who were presented reports that Kilian Jornet reached the summit of Mt. Everest twice in May 2017, uncovered the intricate, multifaceted fraud of his. This is a case of Factitious Heroism, a condition which is discussed by Dr. Marc Feldman. Kilian's factitious presentation was done in order to motivate others to conceive of him as being a sports hero, and concurrently, in order to receive immense and enduring gratification via innumerable worldwide media-reports, and in order to obtain financial improvement.| This case is akin to my Factitious Disorder By Proxy and Factitious Heroism autism cases, and aspects of my physics and mathematics case.| Kilian Jornet reported reaching the summit of Mt. Everest, via the North Route, solo, without oxygen, and without fixed-ropes, on May 22 at 12:00am, and again on May 27 at 9:30pm. For both of his climbs, he has no summit photos, no summit video, and no summit witnesses. His GPS tracking for the 27th begins at 8650m and descends from there. His GPS tracking for the 22nd gives a highpoint elevation reading of just over 8500m. For both of his climbs, he was a multitude of hours from the summit when he turned back. For both of his climbs, he did not call anyone via his satellite-smartphone from the summit, nor near the summit. 4 climbers, of 2 separate climbing groups (of 2 climbers each), 2 from the USA and 2 from India, and who were separated from one another by several hours, and who climbed to the summit from Camp 4 on May 21-22 on the same route as Kilian, would have each been passed by Kilian during his descent, and within inches or feet of each other, and would have each seen his headlamp a multitude of times as he ascended and descended. The 2 Indian climbers came forward to the media to report that it is impossible that Kilian summitted at 12:00am on May 22 because they would have seen him as described above. The 2 USA climbers indicated to me that they hold this opinion as well. Over 1 year later, Kilian submitted claimed summit-photos and claimed summit-video, for both of his claimed summits, all of which are 100% dark except for minimal illumination of his face and upper torso, as he did not use his headlamp nor GoPro light to illuminate any of the surface of the mountain, which could have easily been done to show that he was at the summit – he could have illuminated the highly recognizable summit surface (its general shape), and the abundant summit-flags and other summit-objects. For all of Kilian's other mountain climbs and mountain runs, for his several year Summits of My Life project, he has abundant summit-photos, summit-video, summit-witnesses, and complete and accurate GPS tracking. For both of Kilian's Everest attempts, he began his ascents during hours of the day that are the opposite to what all other climbers do, namely in the late afternoon and early evening. Climbers do not climb during these times because the increase of temperature, the presence of sunlight, and the increase of wind, cause changes to the mountain surface such that chance of rock-fall, ice-fall, and opening-crevasses increases dramatically, and become extreme dangers to one's life. Kilian claimed to not climb with fixed-ropes for either climb. However, his self-taken GoPro video on May 27 shows that he used fixed-ropes. Despite that it is the highest elevation video of himself on Everest, he did not provide the video to any media, nor on his website. Apparently it was inadvertently provided to a French media who did a YouTube video about Kilian, which was never linked to nor mentioned by any other media. Kilian stated that his Suunto watch battery failed for his May 22 climb shortly below the summit (several hours below the summit). However, Suunto watch batteries last for many years. Over 1 year after my case-report began to be disseminated and discussed in many countries and by minor-media and major-media, Kilian reported to a forum-user of LetsRun.com, Andy Tavin, that he has GoPro GPS tracking for both of his climbs. Kilian took about 2 months to provide the data to the Andy. Andy wrote his own case-report on the matter in early 2019, using much of my case-report for his own report. Unlike Kilian's above Suunto GPS data, which was auto-uploaded to his Suunto Movescount.com account-webage, Kilian has never provided his claimed GoPro data to any media, nor published it. It was likely manually contrived post-controversy. Of Kilian's claimed summit-video, he likely went back to the rock-band that he videoed himself at previously (mentioned above), at night, and took the video, as all aspects of the video are essentially identical to his above video, except that it is dark. There are other aspects of my case-report that are not summarized above.| All of my other references are listed within the below case-report.


PMLA ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 128 (3) ◽  
pp. 708-710
Author(s):  
John Ochoa

Carlos Fuentes was a dapper man. His physical bearing, his way of dressing, and his manners were all exquisite. He favored tailored Italian suits, supple loafers, pocket squares. He liked tony international places: he once said he owed the idea for La muerte de Artemio Cruz (1962; The Death of Artemio Cruz), perhaps the most “Mexican” of his novels, “to the North Sea and a beach in Holland” (Interview). But his cosmopolitanism got him into trouble, such as when a well-intentioned but off-key televised public-service announcement resulted in late-night TV parodies. Addressing the pollution problem in Mexico City, Fuentes pleaded for the public to save his “beloved” city—all while standing in an idyllic spot in Cambridge, England.


Author(s):  
Philip Schlesinger

This chapter illustrates how ‘most of the Holyrood political class has been reluctant to explore the boundaries between the devolved and the reserved’, even on less life-and-death issues such as broadcasting. Conversely, it also tells of at least one post-devolution success story for classic informal pre-devolution-style ‘Scottish lobbying’ in Westminster. Scotland is presently one of the UK's leading audiovisual production centres, with Glasgow as the linchpin. The capacity of the Scottish Parliament to debate questions of media concentration but also its incapacity to act legislatively has been observed. There are both political and economic calculations behind the refusal to devolve powers over the media via the Communications Act 2003. Ofcom now has a key role in policing the terms of trade for regional production that falls within a public service broadcaster's target across the UK. The BBC's position as the principal vehicle of public service broadcasting has come increasingly under question. The Gaelic Media Service set up under the Communications Act 2003 has a line of responsibility to Ofcom in London. Scottish Advisory Committee on Telecommunications (SACOT) determined four key regulatory issues needing future attention by Ofcom.


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