scholarly journals ¿Hacia la consolidación política? Cambios en la "estructura de oportunidades electorales" de las mujeres en Argentina

2009 ◽  
Vol 47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Santiago Alles
Keyword(s):  
Electoral System ◽  
Institutional Factors ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Institutional Perspective ◽  
Multivariate Statistical ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Systemic Factors ◽  
Socio Economic Variables ◽  
Las Mujeres

RESUMEN: El presente artículo tiene como objetivo determinar los cambios de la «estructura de oportunidades electorales» de las mujeres en Argentina a lo largo del período 1983-2005, para lo cual el trabajo va más allá de los análisis estáticos usuales y examina los elementos dinámicos del proceso. Desde la perspectiva institucional, la elección de mujeres está condicionada en primer lugar por las características del diseño electoral: la introducción de cuotas de género es reconocida por la literatura como un dispositivo clave para facilitar la elección de mujeres, pero su efectividad se ve condicionada por otros elementos del sistema electoral, tal como la magnitud de distritos, pero también por las características del sistema de partidos. Basado en un análisis estadístico multivariado, el artículo encuentra evidencia que sostiene que, tras un período donde la elección de mujeres se explica mediante factores político-institucionales, en las últimas elecciones los factores sistémicos pierden capacidad explicativa, aun cuando se controla el efecto de las variables socioeconómicas, lo que indica que la elección de mujeres se explica por factores no incluidos en el análisis, eventualmente partidarios o personales. Estos resultados sugieren que las cuotas han tenido efectos de largo alcance, haciendo posible la consolidación de la posición política de las mujeres.ABSTRACT: This article has as main goal to know the changes suffered by the «electoral opportunity structure» of women in Argentina through the period 1983-2005, for which purpose the work goes beyond usual static analyses and examine the dynamic elements of the process. From the institutional perspective, the election of women is conditioned at first for the features of the electoral design: the introduction of gender quotas is highlighted by the literature as a key device to make easy the election of women, but its effectiveness is conditioned by the other elements of the electoral system. Based on a multivariate statistical analysis, this article finds evidence that maintains that, after a period where the election of women is explained by political-institutional factors, in the last elections the systemic factors lost explanatory ability, even when the effect of socio-economic variables is kept under control, which points out that the election of women is explained by non included factors, eventually partisan or individual ones. These results suggest that the quotas have had long-range effects, making possible the consolidation of the political position of women.

scholarly journals Mecanismos de representación política en las democracias latinoamericanas: las cuotas electorales de género

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Roberto Álvarez San Martín
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
America Latina

Resumen: A partir de cifras y hechos planteados por PNUD, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW sobre la participación política de las mujeres, se realiza una revisión de los debates, aplicaciones y efectos de las cuotas electorales de género en América latina. Se toman en cuenta las diferentes barreras que deben sortear las mujeres en la arena política, y se analizan la definición, alcances y argumentos en pro y en contra de las cuotas electorales de género. Se analiza este mecanismo a partir de los casos de Argentina y Costa Rica, los más exitosos en términos de resultados; mientras México evidencia el impacto incremental de las cuotas en la representación femenina, Perú pone en evidencia la influencia de la fuerte tradición presidencialista. Brasil es un caso paradigmático, que representaría el fracaso de las cuotas de género. Se concluye que, salvo Argentina, las otras democracias sólo han podido acelerar el proceso de inclusión real de mujeres en los procesos eleccionarios, pero sin que los resultados sean realmente compatibles con lo esperado. Las mujeres latinoamericanas, con cuotas o sin ellas, siguen estando sub-representadas en los espacios de participación política.Palabras clave: Participación política femenina, cuotas electorales de género, mecanismos de representación política.Abstract: On the basis of data and facts put forth by UN, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW about the political participation of women, this article analyzes the debates about the application and effects of electoral gender quotas in Latin America. The barriers to women’s political participation are taken into account, analyzing the definition, reach and arguments for and against gender quotas. The cases of Argentina and Costa Rica, the most successful in results, are analyzed. While Mexico shows the increased impact of quotas, Peru makes evident the influence of the strong presidential tradition. Brazil is a paradigmatic case, representing the failure of gender quotes. In conclusion, save for Argentina, other democracies have only accelerated the process of women’s inclusion in election processes, but without results compatible with expectations. Latin American women, with out without quotas, are underrepresented in the spaces of political participation.Key words: feminine political participation, electoral gender quotas, mechanisms of political representation.

Rules of Ministerial Recruitment

2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (04) ◽  
pp. 618-642 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire Annesley
Keyword(s):  
Supply And Demand ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
System Level ◽  
Institutional Factors ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Factors Affecting ◽  
Parliamentary Democracies ◽  
International Pressure ◽  
Women In Parliament ◽  
Politics And Gender

Ministerial office represents the pinnacle of political power. Quite rightly, politics and gender and comparative scholarship is paying increasing attention to women's access to political executives (Claveria 2014; Davis 1997; Escobar-Lemmon and Taylor-Robinson 2005; Krook and O'Brien 2012; Reynolds 1999; Siaroff 2000; Whitford, Wilkins, and Ball 2007). These studies develop and test a range of hypotheses relating to the demographic, socioeconomic, political cultural, or political institutional factors at state or system level deemed to shape women's access to political executive office. The conclusions primarily emphasize relatively general correlations between women's ministerial representation and a nation's familiarity with women in positions of power (Reynolds 1999), the prevalence of “egalitarian societies” and “leftist values” (Siaroff 2000), or international pressure and regional contagion (Escobar-Lemmon and Taylor-Robinson 2005). Studies that address the importance of political institutional factors affecting the supply and demand of female government ministers highlight the different procedures for appointing ministers in presidential versus parliamentary democracies (Reynolds 1999; Whitford, Wilkins, and Ball 2007) or the generalist versus specialist recruitment traditions of ministerial recruitment in parliamentary democracies (Claveria 2014; Davis 1997; Siaroff 2000). All studies flag the significance of the numerical presence of women in parliament, and some, the way the electoral system or gender quotas influence women's access to parliament (Claveria 2014; Krook and O'Brien 2012).

scholarly journals Violencia y acoso en el ámbito político como forma específica de violencia contra las mujeres = Violence and Harassment in Politics as a Specific Way of Violencen against Women

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 134
Author(s):  
Silvia Soriano Moreno
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Specific Form ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Institutional Politics ◽  
Policies And Measures ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Women Violence

 Resumen. La desigualdad existente en el acceso de mujeres y hombres a los cargos políticos, tanto institucionales como en el seno de los partidos políticos, hace necesario plant­earse las causas de la situación para analizar las posibles vías de mejora. Tradicionalmente, se ha puesto el foco de atención en las políticas y medidas tendentes a la democracia paritaria, mejorando las condiciones de acceso a la política institucional y estableciendo cuotas de gé­nero en las instituciones. Sin embargo, a pesar de que la situación mejora tímidamente, no es el único problema con el que nos encontramos para alcanzar la igualdad en este ámbito. Porque el problema ya no es sólo que las mujeres no llegan a los espacios de poder político, sino que cuando llegan no permanecen en ellos.Una de esas posibles causas puede ser derivada de las resistencias que las mujeres en­cuentran al acceder, o intentarlo, a cargos políticos y que se manifiesta a través de una forma específica de violencia contra las mujeres: la violencia o acoso en el ámbito político.Para tratar esto, será necesario atender a la experiencia que nos llega desde América Latina, donde se viene trabajando esta forma específica de violencia desde hace varios años y puede aportarnos datos de interés y resultados que deberemos tener en cuenta para abordar la cuestión.Palabras clave: política, instituciones, violencia, acoso, mujeres.Abstract. The existing inequality in the access of women and men to political positions, in the institutions and in the political parties, makes necessary to consider the causes of the situation, in order to analyse the possible ways of improvement. Traditionally, the focus has been on policies and measures aimed at parity democracy, improving the conditions of access to institutional politics and establishing gender quotas in institutions. However, even though the situation improves timidly, it is not the only problem that we face to achieve equality in this area. Because the problem is not only that women do not reach the spaces of political power, but when they arrive they don’t remain.One of these possible causes can be because of the resistances that women find when they access, or attempt, to hold political charges and manifests itself through a specific form of violence against women: violence or harassment in politics.To study this, it will be necessary to address the experience that comes to us from Latin America, where this specific form of violence has been worked for several years and can pro­vide us with interesting data and results that we must take into account to address the issue.Keywords: politics, institutions, violence, harassment, women.

2018 Fiji Election Results: Patterns of Voting by Provinces, Rural-Urban Localities, and by Candidates

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Interesting Case ◽  
The Political ◽  
Quantitative Analyses ◽  
Election Results

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.

The Combination of Gender and Ethnic Quotas in Electoral Politics

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melanie M. Hughes
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minority ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Minority Women ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Ethnic Minority Women ◽  
Multicultural Feminism ◽  
Ethnic Quotas ◽  
And Gender ◽  
National Legislatures

Around the world, countries are increasingly using quotas to enhance the diversity of political representatives. This chapter considers the histories and policy designs of ethnic and gender quotas that regulate national legislatures. Most countries with quotas target only one type of under-represented group—for example, women or ethnic minorities. Even in countries with both gender and ethnic quotas (called ‘tandem quotas’), the policies typically evolved separately and work differently. Women and ethnic minorities are treated as distinct groups, ignoring the political position of ethnic minority women. However, a handful of countries have ‘nested quotas’ that specifically regulate the political inclusion of ethnic minority women. The second half the chapter focuses explicitly on nested quotas. It lays out how nested quotas work, where and how they have been adopted, and the prospect for their spread to new countries in the future. The chapter concludes with reflections on the promises and pitfalls of nested quotas as a vehicle for multicultural feminism.

scholarly journals Local Candidates, Place-Based Identities, and Electoral Success

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Schulte-Cloos ◽  
Paul C. Bauer
Keyword(s):  
Social Identity ◽  
Local Community ◽  
Unique Feature ◽  
Causal Effect ◽  
Large Body ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Matching Strategy

AbstractWhile a large body of literature empirically documents an electoral advantage for local candidates, the exact mechanisms accounting for this effect remain less clear. We integrate theories on the political geography of candidate-voter relations with socio-psychological accounts of citizens’ local attachment, arguing that citizens vote for candidates from their own local communities as an expression of their place-based identity. To test our argument, we exploit a unique feature of the German mixed-member electoral system. We identify the causal effect of candidates’ localness by relying on within-electoral-district variation coupled with a geo-matching strategy on the level of municipalities ($$\hbox {N}=11175$$ N = 11175 ). The results show that voters exhibit a strong bias in favor of local candidates even when they are not competitive. More than only expecting particularistic benefits from representatives, citizens appear to vote for candidates from their own local community to express their place-based social identity.

scholarly journals Community Detection Problem Based on Polarization Measures: An Application to Twitter: The COVID-19 Case in Spain

Mathematics ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 443
Author(s):  
Inmaculada Gutiérrez ◽  
Juan Antonio Guevara ◽  
Daniel Gómez ◽  
Javier Castro ◽  
Rosa Espínola
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Community Detection ◽  
Efficient Algorithm ◽  
Fuzzy Measure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Detection Problem ◽  
Additional Information ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Networks Analysis ◽  
Polarization Capacity

In this paper, we address one of the most important topics in the field of Social Networks Analysis: the community detection problem with additional information. That additional information is modeled by a fuzzy measure that represents the risk of polarization. Particularly, we are interested in dealing with the problem of taking into account the polarization of nodes in the community detection problem. Adding this type of information to the community detection problem makes it more realistic, as a community is more likely to be defined if the corresponding elements are willing to maintain a peaceful dialogue. The polarization capacity is modeled by a fuzzy measure based on the JDJpol measure of polarization related to two poles. We also present an efficient algorithm for finding groups whose elements are no polarized. Hereafter, we work in a real case. It is a network obtained from Twitter, concerning the political position against the Spanish government taken by several influential users. We analyze how the partitions obtained change when some additional information related to how polarized that society is, is added to the problem.

Cicero and Milo

1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Realignment ◽  
Political Scene

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.

Institutional Factors That Affect Inclusive Businesses: The Case of Banana Cooperatives in the Magdalena Region (Colombia)

2021 ◽  
pp. 097300522199160
Author(s):  
Marcela Maestre-Matos ◽  
Jahir Lombana-Coy ◽  
Francisco J. Mesías ◽  
Ahmed Elghannam
Keyword(s):  
Economic Incentives ◽  
Institutional Factors ◽  
Agricultural Cooperatives ◽  
Ethical Behaviour ◽  
Base Of The Pyramid ◽  
Economic Sectors ◽  
Institutional Perspective ◽  
Banana Production ◽  
Inclusive Business ◽  
Agricultural Industries

Inclusive business as a model at the base of the pyramid is a relatively recent unit of study in academic literature. From the institutional perspective, businesses are affected by norms, processes, rules of moral and ethical behaviour, which have not been studied for the base of the pyramid in inclusive businesses, much less in agricultural cooperatives. The objective of this research is to identify institutional factors that can affect agribusiness inclusive models. In this research, agricultural cooperatives of banana production in the province of Magdalena, Colombia, are the unit of analysis to identify institutional factors. The method of review of institutional factors is the multiple cases (six banana cooperatives) with a simple unit using inductive analysis. The results show that institutional factors—both formal (certifications, quality standards, social responsibility policies and economic incentives) and informal (cooperation, improvement of quality of life, generation of social capital)—promote the development of inclusive businesses in cooperatives of the base of the pyramid. The research is a first step to show its potential replication in other agricultural industries and even in other economic sectors.

Brytyjska Izba Lordów na przełomie XIX i XX wieku... Ewolucja pozycji w systemie politycznym

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (324) ◽  
pp. 125-141
Author(s):  
Andrzej Jaeschke
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Political Position ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
Political Rivalry ◽  
Electoral Reforms

The paper concerns the evolution of the political position of the House of Lords until the end of the 19thcentury. The author presents the time of stabilisation of the relations of the two parliamentary chambers andidentifies its causes. He also discusses the increasing disruption of relations between the two chambers ofthe British Parliament following from electoral reforms and, consequently, the decomposition of the hithertounified conservative political environment and the emergence of liberal forces. This resulted in increasinglystrong ideological and political rivalry between the conservative House of Lords and the largely liberal Houseof Commons.

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