scholarly journals Violencia y acoso en el ámbito político como forma específica de violencia contra las mujeres = Violence and Harassment in Politics as a Specific Way of Violencen against Women

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 134
Author(s):  
Silvia Soriano Moreno

 Resumen. La desigualdad existente en el acceso de mujeres y hombres a los cargos políticos, tanto institucionales como en el seno de los partidos políticos, hace necesario plant­earse las causas de la situación para analizar las posibles vías de mejora. Tradicionalmente, se ha puesto el foco de atención en las políticas y medidas tendentes a la democracia paritaria, mejorando las condiciones de acceso a la política institucional y estableciendo cuotas de gé­nero en las instituciones. Sin embargo, a pesar de que la situación mejora tímidamente, no es el único problema con el que nos encontramos para alcanzar la igualdad en este ámbito. Porque el problema ya no es sólo que las mujeres no llegan a los espacios de poder político, sino que cuando llegan no permanecen en ellos.Una de esas posibles causas puede ser derivada de las resistencias que las mujeres en­cuentran al acceder, o intentarlo, a cargos políticos y que se manifiesta a través de una forma específica de violencia contra las mujeres: la violencia o acoso en el ámbito político.Para tratar esto, será necesario atender a la experiencia que nos llega desde América Latina, donde se viene trabajando esta forma específica de violencia desde hace varios años y puede aportarnos datos de interés y resultados que deberemos tener en cuenta para abordar la cuestión.Palabras clave: política, instituciones, violencia, acoso, mujeres.Abstract. The existing inequality in the access of women and men to political positions, in the institutions and in the political parties, makes necessary to consider the causes of the situation, in order to analyse the possible ways of improvement. Traditionally, the focus has been on policies and measures aimed at parity democracy, improving the conditions of access to institutional politics and establishing gender quotas in institutions. However, even though the situation improves timidly, it is not the only problem that we face to achieve equality in this area. Because the problem is not only that women do not reach the spaces of political power, but when they arrive they don’t remain.One of these possible causes can be because of the resistances that women find when they access, or attempt, to hold political charges and manifests itself through a specific form of violence against women: violence or harassment in politics.To study this, it will be necessary to address the experience that comes to us from Latin America, where this specific form of violence has been worked for several years and can pro­vide us with interesting data and results that we must take into account to address the issue.Keywords: politics, institutions, violence, harassment, women.

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Roberto Álvarez San Martín

Resumen: A partir de cifras y hechos planteados por PNUD, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW sobre la participación política de las mujeres, se realiza una revisión de los debates, aplicaciones y efectos de las cuotas electorales de género en América latina. Se toman en cuenta las diferentes barreras que deben sortear las mujeres en la arena política, y se analizan la definición, alcances y argumentos en pro y en contra de las cuotas electorales de género. Se analiza este mecanismo a partir de los casos de Argentina y Costa Rica, los más exitosos en términos de resultados; mientras México evidencia el impacto incremental de las cuotas en la representación femenina, Perú pone en evidencia la influencia de la fuerte tradición presidencialista. Brasil es un caso paradigmático, que representaría el fracaso de las cuotas de género. Se concluye que, salvo Argentina, las otras democracias sólo han podido acelerar el proceso de inclusión real de mujeres en los procesos eleccionarios, pero sin que los resultados sean realmente compatibles con lo esperado. Las mujeres latinoamericanas, con cuotas o sin ellas, siguen estando sub-representadas en los espacios de participación política.Palabras clave: Participación política femenina, cuotas electorales de género, mecanismos de representación política.Abstract: On the basis of data and facts put forth by UN, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW about the political participation of women, this article analyzes the debates about the application and effects of electoral gender quotas in Latin America. The barriers to women’s political participation are taken into account, analyzing the definition, reach and arguments for and against gender quotas. The cases of Argentina and Costa Rica, the most successful in results, are analyzed. While Mexico shows the increased impact of quotas, Peru makes evident the influence of the strong presidential tradition. Brazil is a paradigmatic case, representing the failure of gender quotes. In conclusion, save for Argentina, other democracies have only accelerated the process of women’s inclusion in election processes, but without results compatible with expectations. Latin American women, with out without quotas, are underrepresented in the spaces of political participation.Key words: feminine political participation, electoral gender quotas, mechanisms of political representation.


Author(s):  
Dra. Dolores Figueroa Romero ◽  
Dra. Araceli Burguete Cal y Mayor

A partir de la descripción de enfoques y procesos de enseñanza de investigación del Diplomado para el Fortalecimiento del Liderazgo de las Mujeres Indígenas, coordinado por la Universidad Indígena Intercultural del Fondo Indígena y el Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social, se desarrollará una reflexión sobre “la etnización” de la investigación social y la producción de conocimiento cultural y políticamente pertinente para el movimiento de mujeres indígenas organizadas en América Latina. En específico, nuestro análisis se centrará en mostrar los escenarios de disputa donde facilitadoras y lideresas se enfrentaron ante el reto de desmontar la colonialidad de la construcción del conocimiento en las dinámicas de enseñanza y procesos de adecuación de métodos de investigación. Las particulares experiencias de conducción del trabajo de campo de las alumnas mostrarán su creatividad al adaptar y adoptar metodologías que les permitieron visibilizar el aporte político de las mujeres indígenas al desarrollo del activismo indígena local.Indigenizing Social Research Methodologies: Training Experience for the Strengthening of Women’s LeadershipAbstractBased on an ethnographic description of the approaches, learning processes and final research products of the Diploma for the Strengthening of Women’s Leadership coordinated by the Indigenous Fund’s Intercultural Indigenous University and the Center for Research and Advanced Studies in Social Anthropology (UII-CIESAS), this essay reflects upon the indigenization of social research and knowledge production designed to meet the cultural and political needs of the indigenous women’s movement in Latin America. Specifically our analysis will focus on showing scenarios of dispute where facilitators and leaders faced the challenge of dismantling the coloniality of the knowledge construction in teaching dynamics and processes of adequacy of research methods. Finally, the students' own fieldwork experiences show their creativity in adapting and adopting methodologies that allowed them to make visible the political contribution of indigenous women to the local indigenous activism.Recibido: 02 de febrero de 2016Aceptado: 30 de mayo de 2017 


2009 ◽  
Vol 47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Santiago Alles

RESUMEN: El presente artículo tiene como objetivo determinar los cambios de la «estructura de oportunidades electorales» de las mujeres en Argentina a lo largo del período 1983-2005, para lo cual el trabajo va más allá de los análisis estáticos usuales y examina los elementos dinámicos del proceso. Desde la perspectiva institucional, la elección de mujeres está condicionada en primer lugar por las características del diseño electoral: la introducción de cuotas de género es reconocida por la literatura como un dispositivo clave para facilitar la elección de mujeres, pero su efectividad se ve condicionada por otros elementos del sistema electoral, tal como la magnitud de distritos, pero también por las características del sistema de partidos. Basado en un análisis estadístico multivariado, el artículo encuentra evidencia que sostiene que, tras un período donde la elección de mujeres se explica mediante factores político-institucionales, en las últimas elecciones los factores sistémicos pierden capacidad explicativa, aun cuando se controla el efecto de las variables socioeconómicas, lo que indica que la elección de mujeres se explica por factores no incluidos en el análisis, eventualmente partidarios o personales. Estos resultados sugieren que las cuotas han tenido efectos de largo alcance, haciendo posible la consolidación de la posición política de las mujeres.ABSTRACT: This article has as main goal to know the changes suffered by the «electoral opportunity structure» of women in Argentina through the period 1983-2005, for which purpose the work goes beyond usual static analyses and examine the dynamic elements of the process. From the institutional perspective, the election of women is conditioned at first for the features of the electoral design: the introduction of gender quotas is highlighted by the literature as a key device to make easy the election of women, but its effectiveness is conditioned by the other elements of the electoral system. Based on a multivariate statistical analysis, this article finds evidence that maintains that, after a period where the election of women is explained by political-institutional factors, in the last elections the systemic factors lost explanatory ability, even when the effect of socio-economic variables is kept under control, which points out that the election of women is explained by non included factors, eventually partisan or individual ones. These results suggest that the quotas have had long-range effects, making possible the consolidation of the political position of women.


2018 ◽  
Vol III (I) ◽  
pp. 253-264
Author(s):  
Muhammad Zubair ◽  
Syed Imran Haider ◽  
Farhana Khattak

Gender equality and the elimination of violence against women has been taken a high priority on the international development agenda. Pakistan has introduced different laws from time to time for the safety and protection of women across the country including the different provinces. The paper analyzed pro-women and girl laws in the provinces of Sindh and tried to find out the barriers in the implementation of such laws. The major barriers found include the structural barriers at the level of judicial, police and the system of prosecution. In addition, the socio-cultural normative structure of society is strongly patriarchal. The political interests of different leaders, as well as political parties, also get the issue of implementation compromised.


Author(s):  
Dr. Sher Muhammad ◽  
Dr. Muhammad Waris Awan ◽  
Misbah Hussain

This paper intends to explore the “backlash“   impact of gender equality policies such as gender quotas in the shape of the resistance, provoked by male parliamentarians against their female colleagues. Such resistance exists in different shapes, such as sexist remarks, intimidation, or harassment. It is important to understand the nature and the motive behind such violence, and the effect of this violence on the performance of women legislators. The study is primarily based on semi-structured interviews with 15 female members of the National Assembly of Pakistan. It is evident from the findings of the paper that patriarchy, socio-economic structures, and the political power configurations are key elements that lead to this type of violence and it is not peculiar to only women elected on reserved seats.


Author(s):  
Alexa Corena

ResumenLa globalización como fenómeno económico ha beneficiado el comercio del sexo, siendo éste un mercado transnacional cuyo supuesto subyace en el pretendido de que los dueños del capital y de las mercancías buscan las condiciones más rentables para reproducirlo, ya que el trabajo de esclavas sexuales viabiliza la obtención de una altísima utilidad en la medida en la que el “empresario” se siente desobligado a pagar a las “trabajadoras”, que son de su propiedad una remuneración por su labor, pues el negocio lleva implícita la condición del pago de deudas adquiridas por las mujeres y niñas que no han sido concertadas previamente en una relación comercial equitativa, sino en una situación forzosa y engañosa.Desde este enfoque, el presente documento pretende mostrar cómo la trata de mujeres y niñas con fines de explotación sexual se potencia en el entorno globalizado dadas las facilidades que surgen en las fronteras difusas entre países y en los marcos jurídicos locales que se mezclan con el entorno internacional para favorecer mafias transnacionales que, en el amparo de actividades legales (como el modelaje, las niñeras, el turismo, etc.), captura mujeres y niñas, que son trasladadas a países diferentes en donde son indocumentadas, aisladas y vulneradas.Palabras Clave: Globalización, tráfico de personas, derechos humanos, nuevo orden mundial, mafias transnacionales, cultura patriarcal, explotación sexual de mujeres, violencia hacia mujeres.********************************************************************Impact of globalization on women and girls trafficking aimed at sexual exploitationAbstractGlobalization as an economic phenomenon has benefitted sex trade, which is a transnational market based on the idea that the owners of the capital and merchandises look for the most profitable conditions to reproduce it. Sexual slave work makes it easy to obtain a very high return, as the “manager” does not feel any obligation to pay “workers” any money as they belong to him/her given that the business implies that women and girls are to pay their debts, which were not previously agreed on in an egalitarian business relationship, but acquired in a forced deceitful way. From this approach, the present paper intends to show how girls and women trafficking with the purpose of sexual exploitation is enhanced in the globalized environment given the easiness that emerges within the diffuse boundaries among countries and local legal frameworks which mix with international ones to favor transnational mafias that, under the shelter of legal activities like modeling, au pairing, tourism, etc., capture women and girls and transfer them to countries where they become illegal, isolated and deprived.Key words: Globalization, people trafficking, human rights, new global order, transnational mafias, patriarchal culture, sexual exploitation of women, violence against women********************************************************************Impacto da globalização no tráfico de mulheres e meninas com fins de exploração sexualResumoA globalização como fenômeno econômico tem beneficiado o comércio do sexo, sendo este um mercado transnacional, cujo suposto sobejasse na pretensão de que os donos do capital e das mercadorias buscam as condições mais rentáveis para reproduzi-lo, já que o trabalho de escravas sexuais viabiliza a obtenção de uma altíssima utilidade na medida em que o “empresário” se sente desobrigado a pagar às “trabalhadoras” que são de sua propriedade uma remuneração pelo seu lavor, pois o negócio leva implícita a condição do pagamento de dívidas adquiridas pelas mulheres e as meninas que não tem sido concertadas previamente numa relação comercial equitativa, mas numa situação forçosa e enganosa.Partindo deste enfoque, o presente documento pretende mostrar como a trata de mulheres e meninas com fins de exploração sexual se potencia no entrono globalizado, dadas as facilidades que surgem nas fronteiras difusas entre países e nos marcos jurídicos locais que se misturam com o entorno internacional para favorecer máfias transnacionais que, no amparo de atividades legais (como as modelos, as babás e o turismo), captura mulheres e meninas que são trasladadas a países diferentes onde são indocumentadas, isoladas e vulneradas.Palavras chave: Globalização, tráfico de pessoas, direitos humanos, nova ordem mundial, máfias transnacionais, cultural patriarcal, exploração sexual de mulheres, violência contra as mulheres.


Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook

Chapter 1 introduces the concept of violence against women in politics and considers why violence against women in politics has remained hidden for so long. Testimonies from politically active women point to four reasons. Some women normalize violence as part of the political game and thus simply do not perceive it as a “problem” (a cognitive gap). Others recognize that violence is not an acceptable cost of political engagement, but nonetheless remain quiet to protect their political careers and/or their political parties (a political gap), or to avoid scorn or blame from others for purportedly bringing the abuse upon themselves (a receptivity gap). A final group would speak out but feels there is no one to tell or no adequate language to describe their experiences (a resources gap). The chapter concludes with an overview of the volume.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (29) ◽  
pp. 221-239
Author(s):  
SANDRA VIDAL NOGUEIRA ◽  
OSMAR VERONESE

O fenômeno da violência extrema contra mulheres mostra-se tão antigo quanto à própria humanidade, ou seja, as mulheres sempre foram tratadas como objeto, ao qual o homem podia usar, gozar e dispor. O que há de recente na História da América Latina (e do Brasil!) é a preocupação com a violência sexista e mais novo ainda é a sua judicialização, na tipificação dos crimes, como sendo feminicídios. O entendimento das causas desse fenômeno torna-se, assim, central nas questões de segurança pública, na problemática das redes de saúde e dos processos de escolarização. Nesse sentido, o presente artigo focaliza os principais marcos legais existentes, reflete sobre manifestações ocultas nas brutais cenas de violência entre homens e mulheres, e pontua importantes interfaces de variação no mapa da violência contra mulheres, em especial, no Brasil. Palavras-chave: Feminicídio. Violência Sexista. Misoginia. CONCEPTUAL CONTRIBUTIONS ABOUT THE PHENOMENON OF FEMICIDE Abstract: The phenomenon of extreme violence against women is as old as humanity itself, that is, women have always been treated as objects which men could use, enjoy anddispose. What is recent in the history of Latin America (and Brazil!) is the concern with sexist violence and the even more recent is its judicialization, in the typification of crimes, as femicides. Understanding the causes of this phenomenon becomes this way central to public safety issues, the problem of health networks and schooling processes. In this sense, this article focuses on the main existing legal frameworks, reflects on hidden manifestations in the brutal scenes of violence between men and women, and points out important interfaces of variation on the map of violence against women, especially in Brazil. Keywords: Femicide. Sexist Violence. Misogyny. CONTRIBUCIONES CONCEPTUALES SOBRE EL FENÓMENO DEL FEMINICIDIO Resumen: El fenómeno de la violencia extrema contra las mujeres es tan antiguo como la humanidad misma, es decir, las mujeres siempre han sido tratadas como objetos que los hombres pueden usar, disfrutar y disponer. Lo más reciente en la historia de América Latina (¡y Brasil!) es la preocupación por la violencia sexista y la novedad sigue siendo sujudicialización, en la tipificación de los delitos, como feminicidios. Comprender las causas de este fenómeno se convierte así en un elemento central de los problemas de seguridad pública, el problema de las redes de salud y los procesos escolares. En este sentido, este artículo se centra en los principales marcos legales existentes, reflexiona sobre manifestaciones ocultas en las escenas brutales de violencia entre hombres y mujeres, y señala importantes interfaces de variación en el mapa de violencia contra las mujeres, especialmente en Brasil. Palabras clave: Femicidio. Violencia Sexista. Misoginia.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
Paula Gonzaga ◽  
Lina Aras

A partir da década de 1960 a Segunda Onda do feminismo destacou a questão dos direitos ao corpo e ao livre exercício da sexualidade para as mulheres. Entre os temas de destaque as feministas pautaram a defesa da interrupção voluntária da gravidez como um direito das mulheres que deve ser garantido pelo Estado. Apesar do êxito obtido em grande parte da Europa, o avanço dessa discussão foi contido nos países latino americanos devido a predominância dos governos ditatoriais que perseguiram a organização dos movimentos sociais. Com a redemocratização o movimento feminista colocou novamente a questão do aborto em pauta, no entanto, novos arranjos políticos e disputas de poder contribuíram para que o aborto continue sendo considerado crime na maior parte da América Latina. Diante desse panorama o artigo tem por objetivo analisar a conjuntura política da América Latina no que tange aos avanços e retrocessos no campo dos direitos sexuais e reprodutivos das mulheres, enfocando na temática da descriminalização do aborto. A partir de um levantamento do estado da arte sobre essa temática em que se destacou a atuação dos discursos que atuam para a manutenção da criminalização do aborto ou que defendem que ele seja descriminalizado e legalizado.Palavras Chave: América Latina, Descriminalização do Aborto, Direitos Reprodutivos, Feminismo***AbstractSince 1960s the Second Wave of feminism emphasized issues regarding the rights over the women´s own body and the free exercise of their sexuality. Beyond the highlighted topics, feminists guided the defense of the volunteer interruption of pregnancy as a women’s right that must be ensured by the State. Despite the success of this proposal across Europe, the progress of this discussion was restrained in Latin America due to the predominance of dictatorial governments which pursued the organization of social movements. With the redemocratization, the feminist movement brought the issue of abortion in the agenda, however new political arrangements and power dispute have contributed to the abortion is considered crime in must of Latin America. Faced this scenario, this paper aims to analyse the political situation in Latina America regarding the advances and setbacks in sexual rights and reproductive rights of women focusing on decriminalization of abortion. From a survey of the state of the art on this theme, in which it stood out the aperfomance of the speeches that maintain the abortion criminalization or defend that the abortion is decriminalized and legalized.Keywords : Latin America, Decriminalization of Abortion , Reproductive Rights, Feminism***ResumenDesde la década de 1960, el feminismo de la segunda onda he destacado la cuestión de los derechos sobre el cuerpo y el libre ejercicio de la sexualidad de las mujeres. Entre los temas destacados, las feministas guían la defensa del aborto como un derecho de la mujer a ser garantizado por el Estado. A pesar del éxito logrado en gran parte de Europa, el avance de esta discusión fue reprimida en los países de América Latina, debido a la dominación de los gobiernos dictatoriales que persiguen la organización de los movimientos sociales. Desde el retorno a la democracia, el movimiento feminista de nuevo puso el tema del aborto en la agenda, sin embargo, los nuevos arreglos políticos y luchas de poder contribuyeron al aborto sigue siendo un delito penal en la mayor parte de América Latina. En este contexto, el presente estudio tuvo como objetivo analizar la situación política de América Latina con respecto a los avances y retrocesos en materia de derechos sexuales y reproductivos de las mujeres, centrándose en la despenalización del aborto a partir de un estudio del estado del arte sobre este tema que, destacando el desempeño de los discursos que actúan para mantener la penalización del aborto o que defienden que ser despenalizado y legalizado.Palabras- clave: Latinoamérica, despenalización del aborto, derechos reproductivos, feminismo


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.


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