scholarly journals PROCESSO POLÍTICO COMO CONSTRUÇÃO DEMOCRÁTICA: UMA DISCUSSÃO ACERCA DOS PROCESSOS ELEITORAIS FORMADOS POR APENAS UMA CANDIDATURA

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 747-770
Author(s):  
José Renato Gaziero Cella ◽  
Lucas Augusto Da Silva Zolet ◽  
Rafael Copetti

Este trabalho, guiado por estudo de caso que orienta a utilização de método hipotético-dedutivo, propõe o estudo acerca do problema dos processos políticos eleitorais formados por apenas uma candidatura, notadamente no Brasil, sobretudo fazendo uma contraposição com o dever de respeito aos pressupostos dos processos políticos democráticos como hipótese alinhada à Democracia. Defende-se que estes modelos singulares não contribuem para um possível desenvolvimento dos cenários políticos sustentáveis. A hegemonia de pequenos grupos e a ausência de uma perspectiva real de participação nas tomadas de decisões é um perigoso espaço para abuso do poder político. A relevância deste trabalho, portanto, funda-se no pressuposto de que as práticas democráticas não podem ser baseadas em modelos de suposto consenso, mas no reconhecimento do elemento do desacordo coletivo como circunstância política de diálogo democrático acerca das principais questões da vida social. O desacordo como ideal da Democracia permite o efetivo direito de escolha, projeta a cidadania e o desenvolvimento das liberdades como defesa das diferentes composições ideológicas da comunidade.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Democracia; Desacordo; Processo Político Democrático; Robert Dahl.POLITICAL PROCESS AS DEMOCRATIC CONSTRUCTION: A DISCUSSION ABOUT THE ELECTORAL PROCESS FORMED ONLY ONE APPLICATIONABSTRACTThis work, guided by case study that guides the use of hypothetical-deductive method, proposes the study of the problem of electoral political processes formed by only one application, notably in Brazil, especially making a contrast with the duty to respect the assumptions of democratic political processes as chance aligned with Democracy. It is argued these unique models will not contribute to the possible development of sustainable policy scenarios. The hegemony of small groups and the absence of a real prospect of participation in decision-making is a dangerous space for abuse of political power. The relevance of this work, therefore, is based on the assumption that the democratic practices cannot be based on a supposed consensus models, but in recognition of the element of collective disagreement as democratic dialogue of political circumstances on the main issues of social life. Disagreement as ideal of Democracy allows the effective right to choose, designs citizenship and the development of freedoms and defense of the different ideological compositions of the community.KEYWORDS: Democracy; Disagreement; Democratic Political Processes; Robert Dahl.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Paula Andrea Pereda Peréz

<p>The aim of this thesis is to unfold the meanings and implications of female politicians in Chile in the twenty-first century. Based on interviews with Chilean politicians and employing a methodology based on Bourdieu’s reflexive sociology and relational ontology, I unpack the complex relationships between gender and political power. My central claim is that the way in which female politicians are perceived by themselves and by male politicians, and how female politicians might affect views on political behaviour, is something widely influenced by the history and trajectory of Chilean politics. I explore issues of representation in politics and democracy and reassess the relevancy of the concept of representation for elaborating the meanings and implications of increased numbers of female politicians in Chile. Highlighting the strategic character of political practices, I analyse symbolic representation by looking at it from political representatives’ points of view. I problematize the complex relationships between democracy, representation, and economic development in the context of neoliberal globalization, in which the place of women in politics remains both promising and uncertain. I analyse interview data collected by integrating ‘conceptual blending theory’, critical discourse analysis and Bourdieu’s theory. From this integral perspective, I analyse political practices as both embodied experience and as a reflection of socio-political reality. Through a socio-historical journey, I explore the foundations of Chilean democracy, political participation, and representation. I argue that the main milestone which affects the meanings and implications can be found in Chile’s late granting of women’s suffrage (1949) and in the democratic breakdown during Pinochet’s dictatorship (1973-1990). I argue that Chilean political institutions of formal representation impede women’s descriptive, substantive, and symbolic representation from fully taking place in the Chilean political system. Interview analysis demonstrated that political institutional design is an expression and reflection of the shortcomings of Chilean political culture. This was found to prevent the furthering of a democracy in which female politicians are central actors. This political context sheds light on Michelle Bachelet’s presidential triumph in 2006, which represented a push for a more democratic and egalitarian society, as well as the political strategy by the weakened ruling coalition who sought to remain in power. Finally, I explore the temporal dimension of the meanings and implications of female politicians in Chile. By looking at the temporality of political processes, practices and institutions, I return to the symbolic dimension of representation. I demonstrate that the states of uncertainty and crises of politics offer contested spaces for political power distribution and for further elaboration on the private and public division of social life. The temporality of politics as social practice reflects its deeply gendered nature, as well as the arbitrariness of political power.</p>


Author(s):  
Kaderi Bukari

Ghana is often seen as peaceful, but is faced with many chieftaincy conflicts that result mainly from succession to the throne (skin or stool) for traditional political power. Ghana has more than 230 chieftaincy disputes dotted across many parts of the country. However, the Bulsa Traditional Area (Buluk) of Ghana has had a stable and resilient chieftaincy succession despite conflicts arising out of the selection of chiefs. In the selection of chiefs, the adoption of a voting system is said to lead to consensus based decision-making which is largely responsible for the non-violent nature of the Buluk chieftaincy succession as compared to other areas in Ghana. Using a qualitative methodology, this case study examined in detail the chieftaincy succession system in the Bulsa Traditional area of Ghana, both conflict and consensus, and how this has helped over the years to maintain peace and avoid violence. The paper also examines whether this case could be a model for chieftaincy succession in Ghana.


2015 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 1031-1058
Author(s):  
MASHA HALEVI

ABSTRACTThe article analyses the processes that preceded the construction of sanctuaries in the Holy Land through the prism of the Church of Gethsemane in Jerusalem, deconstructing and uncovering layers of political power struggles which led to its formation and present shape. This study, based on extensive archival research and a field survey, demonstrates how the reconstruction of the basilica of Gethsemane, and hence the concretization in stone of some of the most depicted evangelical traditions, was not merely the result of an ecumenical consideration. In fact, it reflects the narrow, and sometimes very down-to-earth, interests of various denominations and political forces. The study also demonstrates how the unique setting of the Holy Land encouraged simultaneous multi-layered political processes, comparing the case-study of the Church of Gethsemane to those of other symbolic and national religious monuments: the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, the basilica of Sacré-Coeur in Paris, and the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in Moscow.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Paula Andrea Pereda Peréz

<p>The aim of this thesis is to unfold the meanings and implications of female politicians in Chile in the twenty-first century. Based on interviews with Chilean politicians and employing a methodology based on Bourdieu’s reflexive sociology and relational ontology, I unpack the complex relationships between gender and political power. My central claim is that the way in which female politicians are perceived by themselves and by male politicians, and how female politicians might affect views on political behaviour, is something widely influenced by the history and trajectory of Chilean politics. I explore issues of representation in politics and democracy and reassess the relevancy of the concept of representation for elaborating the meanings and implications of increased numbers of female politicians in Chile. Highlighting the strategic character of political practices, I analyse symbolic representation by looking at it from political representatives’ points of view. I problematize the complex relationships between democracy, representation, and economic development in the context of neoliberal globalization, in which the place of women in politics remains both promising and uncertain. I analyse interview data collected by integrating ‘conceptual blending theory’, critical discourse analysis and Bourdieu’s theory. From this integral perspective, I analyse political practices as both embodied experience and as a reflection of socio-political reality. Through a socio-historical journey, I explore the foundations of Chilean democracy, political participation, and representation. I argue that the main milestone which affects the meanings and implications can be found in Chile’s late granting of women’s suffrage (1949) and in the democratic breakdown during Pinochet’s dictatorship (1973-1990). I argue that Chilean political institutions of formal representation impede women’s descriptive, substantive, and symbolic representation from fully taking place in the Chilean political system. Interview analysis demonstrated that political institutional design is an expression and reflection of the shortcomings of Chilean political culture. This was found to prevent the furthering of a democracy in which female politicians are central actors. This political context sheds light on Michelle Bachelet’s presidential triumph in 2006, which represented a push for a more democratic and egalitarian society, as well as the political strategy by the weakened ruling coalition who sought to remain in power. Finally, I explore the temporal dimension of the meanings and implications of female politicians in Chile. By looking at the temporality of political processes, practices and institutions, I return to the symbolic dimension of representation. I demonstrate that the states of uncertainty and crises of politics offer contested spaces for political power distribution and for further elaboration on the private and public division of social life. The temporality of politics as social practice reflects its deeply gendered nature, as well as the arbitrariness of political power.</p>


2020 ◽  
pp. 11-15
Author(s):  
S. M. Heiko ◽  
O. D. Lauta

The article focuses on the phenomenon of leadership in philosophical discourse. Philosophical retrospection of the concept of "leadership" as a philosophical phenomenon and its systematic analysis is carried out. Philosophical connotations of the phenomenon of leadership in the dynamics of social and political processes of modern times are being defined. In modern society, the well-formed image of leaders of organizations, movements and etcetera an important role. Leadership is a universal phenomenon of social life. It is present in any sphere of human activity that requires stratification: the separation of leaders and subordinates, leaders and followers. In modern science, where there is a commonality of initial positions, leadership is characterized by ambiguity: as a social relationship of domination and subordination in a group or organization (sociology); as a characteristic of the figure of a leader and its impact on others (psychology); as effective and successful innovations in business, dominance in enterprise performance (economy); as developing vision, decision-making, empowerment and direction of people towards specific goals (management); as a process of human interaction in which authoritative people wield real power, exerting legitimate influence on a society that voluntarily gives them part of its political power and rights (political science). The essence of leadership reveals its numerous concepts and theories that have evolved in the history of philosophy and social philosophy. Classical theorists tried to understand and develop the ideal concepts of leadership. Modern researchers are not analyzing the ideal of leadership, but what it is. The philosophical understanding of leadership can be seen, first, as a form of power held by one individual or group of individuals; secondly, as a social position of decision-making; thirdly, as an influence on others.


2021 ◽  
pp. 146144482110387
Author(s):  
Lluis de Nadal

Using the Spanish party Podemos as a case study, this article opens up a dialogue between researchers in the fields of populist communication and the digitization of political parties. Research has persuasively shown how the participatory promise of digital parties often degenerated into “plebiscitarianism 2.0.” However, partly because of the mutual disengagement between these fields, the mismatch between promise and reality remains poorly understood. This article argues that, in the case of Podemos, this gap arises from the party’s populist project to turn widespread public disaffection into political power—a project that, as populism typically does, involved the use of plebiscitarian linkages and, therefore, was contradictory to the promise of promoting participatory democracy. By bridging the gap between populism and digital party research, this article calls attention to how populist actors use digital media not only to bypass traditional gatekeepers but also to replace political parties with online plebiscites.


1973 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Kaufman Purcell

In recent years, as political scientists have witnessed the establishment of non-democratic governments in an ever-increasing number of countries, there has been renewed interest in the concept of an authoritarian regime. Despite its frequent use, however, the concept of an authoritarian regime rarely has been defined so that it could be applied in a comparative analysis. Furthermore, the theoretical utility of classifying a regime as “authoritarian” remains unclear. If the classification is to have some explanatory value, the way in which such a regime's defining characteristics produce distinctive political processes and behavior must be demonstrated.


Author(s):  
Vladyslav Andrushko

Problem setting. There is evidence that Political power plays a crucial role in regulating social processes. But it is also a difficult concept to understand and define. That`s why this phenomenon has been studied by many researchers using different methods and absolutely different scientific approaches, what has made it an ambigious term. It causes an actuality of synthesizing the most significant innovative concepts into unite theoretical background. Resent research and publication analysis. Previous research has established that Political power is related to Power of law. A number of cross-sectional studies suggest an association between Political power and Public governance, State Power. The issue has been a controversial and much disputed subject within the multidisciplinary field of sociological, culturelogical, psychological and even linguistical researches. As a result, this concept has recently been challenged by postmodernist`s studies demonstrating its hidden features. We should notice a big number of scholars, from M. Faucault and P. Bourdieu to S. Lukes and K. Dowding, whose developments in the field of Cratology have led to a renewed interest in political power. Paper objective. The purpose of this investigation is to explore the innovative approaches to political power understanding and to give own definition of this phenomenon. Paper main body. The methodological approach taken in this study is a mixed methodology based on qualitative and quantative, theoretical and empirical studies. The overall structure of the study takes the form of two conditional parts. The first part of this paper examines the innovative approaches to general power understanding. In the section we are proving that power is based on information. The second part also begins by laying out the theoretical dimensions of the research, and looks what is political power at postmodernist`s context. In summary, information is seemed to be the most efficient power resource, because it touches each part of people existence. Conclusions of the research. So, we can confirm that political power is perceived rather as communicative, mental concept than a part of state`s institution system. In other words, now it is believed that modern power as kind of social influence is appearing from every part of social life due to its cognitive nature, but at the same time it is almost disappearing as traditional part of government structure. The result of the analysis is also proclaimed by the author's approach to the rationalization of “political power”: “classical” (power and political power are the same), “institutional” (based on the law and the state form of political power) and “functional” (based on the information power that is aimed to political processes. The next result of the article is our political power clarifying. According to the R. Dahl’s definition and the V. Ledyaev’s classification we define political power as a “A`s possibility to construct B`s “picture of the world”. So, this study seems to be relevant. In conclusion I’d like to say that this topic is perceived as inexhaustible and that theme is still so actual for further multidisciplinary researches.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. K. Handoyo ◽  
M. R. Mashudi ◽  
H. P. Ipung

Current supply chain methods are having difficulties in resolving problems arising from the lack of trust in supply chains. The root reason lies in two challenges brought to the traditional mechanism: self-interests of supply chain members and information asymmetry in production processes. Blockchain is a promising technology to address these problems. The key objective of this paper is to present qualitative analysis for blockchain in supply chain as the decision-making framework to implement this new technology. The analysis method used Val IT business case framework, validated by the expert judgements. The further study needs to be elaborated by either the existing organization that use blockchain or assessment by the organization that will use blockchain to improve their supply chain management.


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