scholarly journals The Canadian Civil Wars of 1837–1838

2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-118
Author(s):  
Phillip Buckner

Canadian historians have traditionally stressed that the rebellions of 1837 and 1838 in Upper and Lower Canada were revolts against British imperial authority. Less stressed has been the fact that the rebellions were also civil wars and that British troops were aided by substantial numbers of loyalists in defeating the rebels. In recent years historians have tended to downplay the importance of French-Canadian nationalism, but by 1837–8 the rebellion in Lower Canada was essentially a struggle between French-Canadian nationalists and a broadly-based coalition of loyalists in Lower Canada. Outside Lower Canada there was no widespread support for rebellion anywhere in British North America, except among a specific group of American immigrants and their descendants in Upper Canada. It is a myth that the rebellions can be explained as a division between the older-stock inhabitants of the Canadas and the newer arrivals. It is also a myth that the rebels in the two Canadas shared the same objectives in the long run and that the rebellions were part of a single phenomenon. French-Canadian nationalists wanted their own state; most of the republicans in Upper Canada undoubtedly believed that Upper Canada would become a state in the American Union. Annexation was clearly the motivation behind the Patriot Hunters in the United States, who have received an increasingly favourable press from borderland historians, despite the fact that they were essentially filibusters motivated by the belief that America had a manifest destiny to spread across the North American continent. Indeed, it was the failure of the rebellions that made Confederation possible in 1867.

1896 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 156-196
Author(s):  
Frank Sanderson

Before proceeding to trace the origin, growth, and present position of Life Assurance in Canada, it will be necessary to give some idea of the size, population, and vital statistics of the Dominion in order to better appreciate the developments of the past and the possibilities of the future.The Dominion of Canada consists of the Provinces of Ontario and Quebec (formerly Upper and Lower Canada), New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, British Columbia, Manitoba, and the North-west Territories. The area of the whole Dominion is about 3,456,383 square miles, including the water surface. From west to east it is about 3500 miles, and from north to south 1400 miles. The Island of Newfoundland, although included in British North America, does not yet form part of the Dominion; while Alaska belongs to the United States, and Labrador is under the control of Newfoundland. The area of Europe is about 3,661,360 square miles, and of Great Britain and Ireland 120,849 square miles, so that Canada is only about 200,000 square miles smaller than all Europe, while it is nearly twenty nine times as large as the whole United Kingdom. It is also 400,000 square miles larger than the United States, omitting Alaska.


2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louis Balthazar

This paper's objective is to bring forth some elements which confirm the following hypothesis : Canada is consigned to continentalism, namely to economic and cultural integration with the United States though this fact is shrouded in a Canadian nationalism of sorts. The continentalist mentality is rooted in the history of British North America, inhabited mostly by refugees from America who have remained inherently "Yankees" in spite of their anti-americanism. The Confederation itself is based on a sort of complicity with the United States. More recently there were talks of a "North American nationality", and continentalism both cultural and economic has come to be seen as a 'force of nature" which the governments, at the most, put into a chanelling process. Still, it is possible for Canadian nationalism to exist provided it does not go beyond the threshold whence it would run headlong into the continental mentality. Canada has defined itself through an international or non-national perspective far too long for today's nationalism not to remain weak and poorly established. But the Americans whose "manifest destiny" has succeeded in spreading over Canada without even their having tried to hoist their flag there find it to their advantage to maintain some form of Canadian sovereignty. Canada as a "friendly nation" can be of use to Washington. That is why there are almost as many advocates for Canada's independence in the United States as there are north of the border. Canadian nationalism can thus further the interests of some Canadian elites without seriously prejudicing continental integration which can very well afford not to be set up into formalized structures.


The ‘New World’ on the North American continent was founded in the 1600s on colonists’ willingness to take substantial risks. The notion of relieving at least some of the burdens of inevitable failure, in order to encourage productive risk-taking, has been part of the fabric of US law almost from the very beginning. After discovering that jailing debtors did very little to encourage fulfilment of debts, and it in fact depressed the economic productivity on which the colonies’ survival depended, several of the colonies experimented with limited insolvency and bankruptcy laws in the mid-1700s. After the Revolution, the issue of providing uniform and nationwide bankruptcy relief was enshrined in the US Constitution as part of the very foundation of the new nation. While the new US Congress was granted only limited rights to regulate general economic matters (the most significant such rights being reserved to the state and local legislative bodies), Article I, section 8, clause 4 of the US Constitution explicitly vested the federal Congress with the power to regulate bankruptcy.


1962 ◽  
Vol 94 (10) ◽  
pp. 1103-1107 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. E. Brown

The Bruce spanworrn, Operophtera bruceata (Hulst), is most common in the mid latitudes of the North American Continent; in Canada it occurs from Newfoundland to the interior of British Columbia (Prentice, In Press) and has been reported from Vermont and Wisconsin in the United States (Craighead, 1950.) Three outbreaks of this insect have been recorded in Alberta. The first occurred in 1903 (de Gryse, 1925) and was apparently of short duration. The second reported by Wolley Dod (1913) occurred in 1913 and denuded hundreds of acres of aspen poplar. Heavy defoliation in the third outbreak became evident in 1957 (Brown, 1957) but an examination of Forest Insect Survey records revealed that population buildup began about 1951. The outbreak continued to expand until 1958 and began to decline in 1959; by 1961 populations were again low except for one or two isolated areas where moderate to low populations persisted. At the peak of the outbreak in 1958 approximately 50,000 square miies were moderately or heavily infested and many more lightly infested.


2016 ◽  
Vol 40 (157) ◽  
pp. 43-65
Author(s):  
Shane Lynn

AbstractIn September 1828, societies of the ‘Friends of Ireland’ were founded throughout the United States and British North America for the purpose of raising funds and disseminating propaganda in support of the O’Connellite campaign for Catholic emancipation. In March 1831, the societies were briefly revived to agitate for repeal of the Union. The first Irish diasporic social movement to appear in Britain’s overseas empire, the British North American Friends of Ireland enjoyed greatest support in French-speaking Lower Canada, where for a time sympathetic local patriotes perceived a common cause with their new Irish neighbours. This article explores the transatlantic reciprocal interactions, cross-ethnic alliances and regional distinctions which characterised early O’Connellism in Lower Canada. It follows its initial successes to its virtual collapse in the early 1830s, as an increasingly polarised Lower Canada slid towards rebellion. Comparisons are employed with similar agitation elsewhere in British North America, in the United States, and in Ireland. It is argued that instrumentalist explanations for Irish diasporic nationalism, typically drawn from studies of post-famine Irish-America, do not convincingly account for the appearance and form of O’Connellite nationalism in British North America.


Itinerario ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 466-488
Author(s):  
Martin Crevier

AbstractThis article recounts the worldwide search for timber undertaken by the Navy Board, the administrative body under the authority of the Admiralty responsible for the supply of naval stores and the construction and repair of ships during the Napoleonic Wars. The closure of the Baltic by France and its European allies is considered the main factor in making British North America a timber colony. Yet the process through which the forests of the Laurentian Plateau and the North Appalachians came to fuel the dockyards of England and Scotland is taken for granted. To acquire this commodity, through merchants, diplomats, and commissioned agents, the power of the British state reached globally, reshaped ecological relationships, and integrated new landscapes to the Imperial economy. Many alternatives to the Baltic were indeed considered and tentatively exploited. Only a mixture of contingency, political factors, and environmental constraints forced the Board to contract in Lower Canada and New Brunswick rather than in areas such as the Western Cape, the Brazilian coast, or Bombay's hinterland.


2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-130
Author(s):  
Heather Corbally Bryant

This article investigates the influence of North America on Bowen's later work. After the war, Bowen traveled to America, at least once a year, until her last illness. Yet her time in the United States has often been overlooked. In the States, she lectured at colleges and universities across the country, and taught at several prestigious schools. She also wrote articles and essays for the more lucrative American journals and periodicals. In addition to touring the country, she was able to see her many American friends, such as Eudora Welty, and her publishers, the Knopfs, as well as her lover, Charles Ritchie. This new continent allowed Bowen to confront old traumas on new grounds, especially in the American element of Eva Trout, in which she displaces the central question of the relationship between mother and child onto American soil to interrogate the (literally, in Jeremy's case) unspeakable nature of trauma.


2020 ◽  
pp. 47-72
Author(s):  
Jane G.V. McGaughey

This chapter explores themes of war, migration, gender, and sectarian conflict between 1798 and 1830. It questions how the 1798 Irish Rising factored into some emigrants’ motivations for coming to Canada in the decades that followed. The Rising also affected how these new arrivals were associated with presumptions of Irish aggression and disloyalty. Many United Empire Loyalists in Upper Canada expressed particular concerns about the violent tendencies of new Irish immigrants and the importation of Irish sectarian conflict to British North America. The chapter then examines the influence of James and Alexander Buchanan, brothers from the north of Ireland in the colonial establishment who decided which Irish immigrants would be most welcome in the Canadas. The chapter closes with the case studies of the Richards and Tackaberry families on their journeys from Co. Wexford to Upper Canada after the War of 1812.


Author(s):  
Susan Elizabeth Hough ◽  
Roger G. Bilham

The Caribbean is a place of romance. Idyllic beaches, buoyant cultures, lush tropical flora; even the Caribbean pirates of yore often find themselves romanticized in modern eyes, and on modern movie screens. Yet it requires barely a moment’s reflection to appreciate the enormous resilience that must exist in a place that is so routinely battered by storms of enormous ferocity. News stories tend to focus on large storms that reach the United States, but many large hurricanes arrive in the United States by way of the Caribbean. Before it slammed into South Carolina in 1989, Hurricane Hugo brushed the Caribbean islands, skimming Puerto Rico and devastating many small islands to its east. Other hurricanes have hit the islands more directly. These include Inez, which claimed some 1,500 lives in 1966, and the powerful Luis, which caused $2.5 billion in property damage and 17 deaths when it pummeled the Leeward Islands and parts of Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands in 1995. Hurricanes also figure prominently in the pre-20th-century history of the Caribbean—storms that had no names, the sometimes lethal fury of which arrived unheralded by modern forecasts. Most people know that the Caribbean is hurricane country; probably few realize that it is earthquake country as well. After all, the western edge of North America is the active plate boundary; earthquakes occur in the more staid midcontinent and Atlantic seaboard, but far less commonly. What can be overlooked, however, is North America’s other active plate boundary. To understand the general framework of this other boundary, it is useful to return briefly to basic tenets of plate tectonics theory. As discussed in earlier chapters, the eastern edge of North America is known as a passive margin. Because the North American continent is not moving relative to the adjacent Atlantic oceanic crust, in plate tectonics terms, scientists do not differentiate between the North American continent and the western half of the Atlantic ocean.


1947 ◽  
Vol 79 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. D. Bird

Farmers in Manitoba and Saskatchewan have reported considerable losses of sweet clover from the attacks of a small, dark grey weevil, Sitona cylindricollis Fahr. This insect is widely distributed in central and southern Europe and occurs in Ireland, England, Germany and France. It is not known when it was first introduced to the North American continent. Brown (2) found it abundant in 1927 from Montreal, Que., to a point on the International Boundary near Hemmingford, Que., and the Canadian National Collection contains specimens taken at Hemmingford in 1924 and 1925. Brown also reports that this species, was very abundant in the Ottawa, Ont., district in 1928 and that he took it at Shediac, N. B., in 1939. Hyslop (6) wrote thal S. cylindricollis was first found in the United States in 1933 at Middlebury, Vt., and that it was collected at Storrs, Conn., Amherst, Mass., and on the New York side of Lake Champlain Valley. In 1935 Caesar (3) found it near Lindsay and Newmarket, Ont., where it war causing severe damage to sweet clover. It was first recorded in Manitoba in 1939 when a widespread infestation occurred. In 1940 it completely defoliated a field of sweet clover near Waldeck, Sask., and by 1943 it was abundant at Medicine Hat, Alta. Following this rapid spread through the continent it has shown periodic fluctuations. Severe damage occurred in Manitoba in 1939 and 1940. In 1941 and 1942 it was somewhat reduced, becomming severe again in 1943, 1944 and 1945.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document