scholarly journals Konseptualisasi dan Internalisasi Nilai Profetik: Upaya Membangun Demokrasi Inklusif bagi Kaum Difabel di Indonesia

INKLUSI ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Abdullah Fikri
Keyword(s):  
Disability Studies ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Local Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic Studies ◽  
The People ◽  
People With Disability ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Inclusive Society

This paper focuses on the disability in the context of inclusive democracy that is based on the prophetic values. There are two terms used in this paper. First, inclusive democracy; this term asserts that the people with disability are not the object in a social and political system, conversely, the people with disability are positioned as the subject in citizenship. The people with disability are part of the political system and society and they have the rights to engage and compete in the political practices. Second, “prophetic values” that refers to the elaboration of disability studies and Islamic studies, where the later is related to the earlier. Disability studies with the prophetic social science are prominent as a social transformation in order to get a better humanist and transcendence understanding of disability in the local context of Indonesia. The result of this study shows that the inclusive democracy, in terms of Indonesian local context, is constructed by four prophetic values: humanism, liberation, transcendence and inclusive society.[Tulisan ini akan membahas difabilitas dalam konteks demokrasi inklusif berbasis nilai-nilai profetik. Ada dua term yang digunakan dalam tulisan ini. Pertama, “demokrasi inklusif”; term ini ingin menegaskan bahwa difabel bukan lagi sebagai orang yang hanya dijadikan objek saja, akan tetapi kaum difabel diposisikan sebagai subjek warganegara. Dengan kata lain, kaum difabel merupakan bagian dari entitas sistem politik dan sistem masyarakat, yang memiliki hak untuk ikut serta dalam kompetisi politik praktis. Kedua, “nilai-nilai profetik”; sebagai elaborasi kajian difabilitas dan studi Islam, maka penting melakukan interelasi antara difabilitas dengan nilai-nilai profetik. Kajian disabilitas dengan Ilmu Sosial Profetik (ISP), sebagai upaya melakukan transformasi sosial, agar  didapatkan sebuah pemahaman yang lebih humanis-transenden terhadap kaum difabel dalam konteks ke-Indonesiaan. Adapun hasil dari kajian ini adalah bahwa demokrasi inklusif berbasis paradigma profetik dalam konteks ke-Indonesiaan, dikonstruksi atas empat pilar, yaitu nilai humanisasi, liberasi, transendensi, dan masyarakat inklusif.]

scholarly journals The Political Practice and its Subjects in of New Critical Theories: Complicities and Points of Adversity

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graciela INDA
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
Critical Theories ◽  
The People ◽  
Hardt And Negri ◽  
The Subject

These four theoretical bets on the “multitude” (Hardt and Negri), on the political subject as fidelity to an event (Badiou), on the “people” as a hegemonic interaction of heterogeneous demands (Laclau and Mouffe), on the political subject as an emergent subject of an egalitarian irruption (Rancière), illustrate the seek for new political subjectivities after abandoning the Marxist thesis that gives a decisive role to the working-class in the process of social transformation. Apart from this binding nucleus, they present divergences that place the question about the subject of emancipation in a field of confrontations, and bifurcation points. This work aims at delimiting the lines of combat, voices of consent and dissent found in these new critical theories regarding the connection between political subjectivity, and economic relations, the issue of the strategy, the nationalism/internationalism dilemma and the disjunction between statism and anti-statism.

PERAN ULAMA SELAKU PEWARIS NABI DALAM KONTESTASI PEMILU-PILPRES TAHUN 2019 DI INDONESIA

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Archival Data ◽  
Political Event ◽  
Online Social Media ◽  
The People ◽  
Religious Issue ◽  
The Face ◽  
Religion And State

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.

Democracy and Political Culture

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Social System ◽  
Political System ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.

Habermas and the New Populisms

2020 ◽  
pp. 54-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henrik P. Bang
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Collective Identification ◽  
Political Conception ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Cooperation ◽  
The Social ◽  
Ground System ◽  
Mutual Relations ◽  
Relations Of Power

Habermas is widely criticized for adumbrating an essentialist, deliberative, and consensual approach to democracy that neglects the significance and importance of contingency, conflict, and emotions in the struggle for hegemony and collective identification. However, his conception of system and lifeworld raise the claim that no society could exist without providing for a minimal degree of political cooperation between professional actors in the political system and spontaneously acting laypeople in the social lifeworld. Contingency, conflict, and emotions are obviously at play in this political conception of how to ground system and lifeworld in mutual relations of power, knowledge, trust, and respect. The goal is not to reach a stable consensus or succumb to conflict and chaos but to avoid that system becomes uncoupled from lifeworld, thus undermining the reciprocal connection between political authorities and laypeople required to make and implement authoritative decisions which are ‘for', ‘of', ‘with', and ‘by' ‘the people'.

The People: Ethnoracial Configurations, Old and New

2020 ◽  
pp. 79-96
Author(s):  
Leila Brännström
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Northern Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Political Association ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Point Of Departure

In recent years the Sweden Democrats have championed a clarification of the identity of the ‘the people’ in the Instrument of government. The reference, they argue, should be to the ethnic group of Swedes. This chapter will take this ambition to fix the subject of popular sovereignty as the point of departure for discussing some of the ways in which the contemporary anti-foreigner political forces of Northern and Western Europe imagine ‘the people’ and identify their allies and enemies within and beyond state borders. To set the stage for this exploration the chapter will start by looking at Carl Schmitt’s ideas about political friendship, and more specifically the way he imagines the relationship between ‘us’ in a political and constitutional sense and ‘the people’ in national and ethnoracial terms. The choice to begin with Schmitt is not arbitrary. His thoughts about the nature of the political association have found their way into the discourse of many radical right-wing parties of Western and Northern Europe.

Nationalism and Ethnic Demands: Some Speculations on a Congenial Note

1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 375-389
Author(s):  
Robert Drummond
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Theoretical Basis ◽  
Political System ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
A Priori ◽  
The Political ◽  
Type Model ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Empirical Tests ◽  
Selection Of

In an interesting and insightful article published in 1969, James Lightbody has attempted an improvement of the theoretical basis for the study of nationalism among political scientists. He suggests that the historical perspective which has characterized most previous treatments of the subject should be abandoned, and that its replacement should be a model which perceives nationalism as the result of ethnic group demands upon a functioning political system. Lightbody argues that the adoption of this sort of model would permit political scientists to determine the characteristics which distinguish “nationalist” movements from similarly configured “non-nationalist” groups. Further-more one could look beyond the “collective enumeration of the various demands that have been made by various nation-seeking groups and their self-appointed spokesmen” which serve as the focus of concern for those who see nationalism as ideology. One could examine ethnic group demands without rejecting them a priori as unnaturally disruptive, and one could make comparisons between majority and minority expressions of nationalist views. The model is an “ideal-type” model, bordering on formalism, since it abstracts the demands of ethnic groups from other similar group demands made on the political system, but it has been constructed with a view to the selection of data which could provide empirical tests of its usefulness.

scholarly journals Ustav, populizam i kraj liberalne demokracije - "referendumanija" ugrožava temelje ustavnog poretka

2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 761-784
Author(s):  
Branko Smerdel
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Parliamentary Supremacy ◽  
Political Groups

Democracies are at risk to be strangled by the populist demagogues, posturing as the only and true leaders of 'the people', while disregarding constitutional "structure of liberty", meaning that, the parliamentary supremacy, judicial review and, above all, the constitutional limits to the very direct decision making by the voters' constituencies. Referenda are being used ever more, often to push certain decision, which could not pass the parliament. The claim is that there must not be any limits to the power of the people. That phenomenon the most esteemed liberal magazine "The Economist" nicknamed coining the word "referendumania", apparently combining 'a mania' with 'referenda'. It has been received with a lot of sympathy by the general public, in circumstances when the television and the Internet shows all the misery of the numerous assemblies, not only in a new but also in the mature democracies. After the referendum on the Brexit has been used as an instrument of the political struggle in the mother of parliaments, Great Britain, which lead to the ongoing "melting down" of the highly valued British political system, it seems that the worst of prophecies are realized by advancing populist forces in a number of Euroepan states. Republic of Croatia has been for a long time exposed to such treats, by the political groups extremely opposed to governmental policies, first by the Catholic conservatives and most recently by the trade unionists. Due to the very inadequate regulation of the referenda on civil initiatives, whereas the decision is to be made by a majority of those who vote, without any quorum being provided, the posibilites of manipulation are enormous. In the lasting confusion, a number of politicians has already proclaimed their intention, if elected the president of the Republic, to use such a referendum in order to remove all the checks and balances between the chief of state and "the people". Taking such treats very seriously in the existing crisis of democracy, the author emphasizes hi plead for an interparty agreement which would enable the referendum to be properly regulated and thus incorporated into the system of a democratic constitutional democracy.

The Development and Formation of International Law

1912 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernest Nys
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Reason ◽  
The Earth ◽  
The People ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Civil Laws

“Law in general,” says Montesquieu, “is human reason so far as it controls all the people of the earth, and the political and civil laws of each nation can only be considered as individual cases in which this human reason is applied.” Reason was held by the Romans to constitute one of the fundamental elements of law. Cicero announced the existence of “a veritable law, true reason (recta ratio), in conformity with nature, universal, immutable and eternal, the commands of which constitute a call to duty and the prohibitions of which avert evil.”It is at present unnecessary to consider what influence the Stoic, Academic and Epicurean doctrines had on Roman jurisprudence, and it would be risky to support as absolutely final any view which might be expressed on the subject. During the last phases of the Republic there had already come to exist in the world’s capital a fusion of the different schools of philosophy; and traces of the Platonic teachings constantly appear in the expression of the great orator’s lofty thought.

Class Struggle and Socialist Construction: The Hungarian Paradox

Slavic Review ◽  
1966 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. von Lazar
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Industrial Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship

This article examines the relationship between the semantics of ideology and political practice under the pressure of socio-economic change in Hungary of the early 1960s, especially 1962-63. The events of 1956 forced the Communist Party elite to recognize the imperative need for internal social change and for control over its dynamics. Manipulation of social forces and ideological currents became a day-to-day concern as soon as it was realized that the political system must rely to an increasing extent upon the introduction of policies which induced support for the system itself—a need undoubtedly arising out of the social transformation that accompanies a developing and modernizing industrial society.

The Canadian Senate: Politics and The Constitution

1963 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 378-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry S. Albinski
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Canadian History ◽  
Political Controversy ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Prestige

“… [M]ost Canadians who are aware of the subject,” says the author of a recent essay, “feel that the [Canadian] Senate has outlived its usefulness and has become a superfluous appendix to the political system. Indeed, the prestige and authority of the Senate has probably fallen to its lowest level in Canadian history.” Considering the disparagements which have been tossed at the Senate, the allusions to “… genial old gentlemen who … live on, undisturbed, meeting a few weeks in the year, bumbling and grumbling at the government, making a few good speeches, and drawing an annual indemnity [now $10,000] for less work than any other citizens of Canada,” this was a restrained indictment. Nevertheless, in 1961 and early 1962, the Senate was also being extolled in some quarters as the keeper of Canada's conscience. Yet others saw it as a crafty player of rank politics and as an infringer on constitutional propriety. The Prime Minister threatened Senate reform and the injection of Senate misbehavior as an election issue. The Senate had seemingly come to life, and in so doing thrust itself into the center of Canadian political controversy. The purpose of this article is to examine the problems surrounding the position of the Senate in the Canadian political system, through an analysis of the agitated discussions of 1961-62.

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