scholarly journals Review of the monograph of A. V. Samokhina, A. L. Khudoborodov «At the sharp turns of Russian history: the Formation of the political elite of the Chelyabinsk region. 1990—2000»

Author(s):  
N. Antipin
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Nataliia Chernikova ◽  
Iryna Karpan

The purpose of the article is to reveal to reveal directions of O. O. Bobrynskyi’s socio- political and state activity in 1905–1911. Research methods: historical-genetic, historical-comparative, descriptive, historical-typological, system-structural. Main results. O. Bobrynskyi belonged to the famous noble family of landowners, owners of sugar factories of the Russian Empire. Therefore, he actively defended the interests of the nobility and autocracy. He believed that the consolidation of the nobility was necessary to maintain its dominant position in the state, especially after the revolutionary events of 1905. His practical steps to establish the organizational centers of the conservative nobility, its politicization and participation in the processes of state formation are revealed. The attention is focused on the role of O. Bobrynskyi in the development of organizational and ideological foundations, ensuring the practical activity of the United Nobility as a leading force in the political mechanism of Russia at that time. O. Bobrynskyi made the United Nobility congresses look like a parliament, which formed views of the conservative nobility on current state problems. As a result, their agrarian and electoral reform projects have largely become the basis of government reform. Thus, the nobility was able to form a majority in the Duma of the 3rd convocation, and O. Bobrynskyi became a deputy too. The nature and content his parliamentary activity, legislative initiatives and efforts to establish a regime of cooperation and partnership in the State Duma are revealed. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of political struggle were monitored. O. Bobrynskyi constantly tried to strike the optimal political balance between the right parties of the Duma to support the political platform developed at the meetings of the United Nobility. Much attention is paid to the analysis of the content and character of O. Bobrynskyi’s speech, the essential features, specifics, the evolution of his political platform, realized during his political career. Practical significance. Possibility of using the obtained results for writing monographs, general researches, textbooks and manuals dedicated to the Russian history, history of socio-political organizations, parties and movements, representative and state institutions, political elite of the Russian Empire; for creating and teaching normative and special courses in Russian history, political and social history at universities, colleges etc. Scientific novelty. O. O. Bobrynskyi’s steps to create the optimal political balance between the right-wing Duma parties in order to lobby the United Nobility political platform are outlined. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of his political struggle were monitored. Article type: explanation.


2019 ◽  
pp. 135-145
Author(s):  
Viktor A. Popov

Deep comprehension of the advanced economic theory, the talent of lecturer enforced by the outstanding working ability forwarded Vladimir Geleznoff scarcely at the end of his thirties to prepare the publication of “The essays of the political economy” (1898). The subsequent publishing success (8 editions in Russia, the 1918­-year edition in Germany) sufficiently demonstrates that Geleznoff well succeded in meeting the intellectual inquiry of the cross­road epoch of the Russian history and by that taking the worthful place in the history of economic thought in Russia. Being an acknowledged historian of science V. Geleznoff was the first and up to now one of the few to demonstrate the worldwide community of economists the theoretically saturated view of Russian economic thought in its most fruitful period (end of XIX — first quarter of XX century).


1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. J. O. Dudley

In the debate on the Native Authority (Amendment) Law of 1955, the late Premier of the North, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, replying to the demand that ‘it is high time in the development of local government systems in this Region that obsolete and undemocratic ways of appointing Emirs’ Councils should close’, commented that ‘the right traditions that we have gone away from are the cutting off of the hands of thieves, and that has caused a lot of thieving in this country. Why should we not be cutting (off) the hands of thieves in order to reduce thieving? That is logical and it is lawful in our tradition and custom here.’ This could be read as a defence against social change, a recrudescence of ‘barbarism’ after the inroads of pax Britannica, and a plea for the retention of the status quo and the entrenched privilege of the political elite.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110238
Author(s):  
Olga Zelinska ◽  
Joshua K Dubrow

Whereas social scientists have devised various ways to measure representation gaps between the political elite and the masses across nations and time, few datasets can be used to measure this gap for particular social groups. Minding the gap between what parties social groups vote for and what parties actually attain seats in parliament can reveal the position of social groups in the political power structure. We help to fill this gap with a new publicly available dataset, Party Representation of Social Groups (PaReSoGo), consisting of 25 countries and 150 country-years, and a method for its construction. We used the European Social Survey 2002–2016 and ParlGov data for this time span to create a Dissimilarity Index. To demonstrate the utility and flexibility in the combination of cross-national surveys and administrative data, we chose social groups of gender, age, and education, as well as intersectional groups based on gender and age, and attitudinal groups. We conclude this research note with empirical illustrations of PaReSoGo’s use.


2021 ◽  
pp. 174165902110224
Author(s):  
Mthokozisi Phathisani Ndhlovu ◽  
Phillip Santos

Even though corruption by politicians and in politics is widespread worldwide, it is more pronounced in developing countries, such as Zimbabwe, where members of the political elite overtly abuse power for personal accumulation of wealth. Ideally, the news media, as watchdogs, are expected to investigate and report such abuses of power. However, previous studies in Zimbabwe highlight the news media’s polarised and normative inefficacies. Informed by the theoretical notion of deliberative democracy developed via Habermas and Dahlgren’s work and Hall’s Encoding, Decoding Model, this article uses qualitative content analysis to examine how online readers of Zimbabwe’s two leading daily publications, The Herald and NewsDay, interpreted and evaluated allegations of corruption leveled against ministers and deputy ministers during the height of factionalism in the ruling party (ZANU PF). The article argues that interaction between mainstream media and their audiences online shows the latter’s resourcefulness and, at least, discursive agency in their engagement with narratives about political corruption, itself an imperative premise for future political action.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110345
Author(s):  
Theophilus Tinashe Nenjerama ◽  
Shepherd Mpofu

This study examines a new wave of populisms arising in the digital era using Pastor Evan Mawarire’s #ThisFlag movement: What are they, and how do they express themselves? How does the hegemony react to them? Non-mainstream, digitally born movements, especially in dictatorships, are dismissed by the political elite as ill-mannered disruptors whose political interventions are detrimental. To analyse the cleric’s populism and its meaning to the Zimbabwean body politic, we use three specific themes: (a) personality and influence of movement leader(s); (b) populist communication and messaging; and (c) recreating an involved citizenry. We used digital ethnography to gather and analyse data.


Urban History ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 568-588
Author(s):  
Frederik Buylaert ◽  
Jelten Baguet ◽  
Janna Everaert

AbstractThis article provides a comparative analysis of four large towns in the Southern Low Countries between c. 1350 and c. 1550. Combining the data on Ghent, Bruges and Antwerp – each of which is discussed in greater detail in the articles in this special section – with recent research on Bruges, the authors argue against the historiographical trend in which the political history of late medieval towns is supposedly dominated by a trend towards oligarchy. Rather than a closure of the ruling class, the four towns show a high turnover in the social composition of the political elite, and a consistent trend towards aristocracy, in which an increasingly large number of aldermen enjoyed noble status. The intensity of these trends differed from town to town, and was tied to different institutional configurations as well as different economic and political developments in each of the four towns.


2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 274-285
Author(s):  
A.Sh. Abhari ◽  

Antagonism with Western civilization in the course of colonial expansion and the subsequent struggle for independence, had a significant impact on the formation of the political elite of the Arab world. At the level of mass public consciousness and perception of historical reality, a transformation of worldview occurs with the active influence of Islam and its spiritual leaders. how the suppression of communist, socialist and other left-wing and reformist political movements in the region after the Second World War influenced and continue to influence the economic and political development of the region.


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