scholarly journals Main challenges for the Greek national security against the geopolitical changes in the Balkans during the period 1918–1923

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 193-212
Author(s):  
Jędrzej Paszkiewicz

The aim of the article is to show the role of the Balkan states within the Greek foreign policy during the period 1918–1923, on the base of diplomatic correspondence and historiography. The consequences of the military conflict with Turkey (1918–1922) and the internal problems, constantly harassing the socio-political life of Greece, seriously weakened its ability to impact effectively on particular geopolitical problems in the Balkan region. The Greek regional policy could be achieved, completely or partially, only with close cooperation with the powers from outside. It was connected with such cases as the delimitation of the Albanian frontier or the solution of the Western Thrace question in 1920. On the other hand, the proceedings of the Greek diplomats were determined by the belief that due to the unresolved territorial and national controversies, especially in the issue of the Macedonian and Thracian lands, the particular Balkan states were dependent on each other on the international arena. That is why the Greek diplomacy started apply the tactics of balance of power in the region, aiming at the creation of less or more stable bilateral political constructions with the Kingdom SCS (Yugoslavia) and Romania. Their aim was to ensure the advantage over the competitors on the Balkan arena, especially over Bulgarian and Turkish revisionist agendas. 

Author(s):  
Alla Kondrasheva ◽  
Stavris Parastatov

The high significance of the Balkan geopolitical knot was clearly expressed in the bipolar era when the main frontier between the two warring blocks passed through the Balkans. Due to the secret ‘Percentages Agreement’ between Great Britain and the USSR in 1944, the Balkans were divided into spheres of influence of the two great powers. Subsequently, London ceded the role of the main source of Western influence in the region to Washington.Of particular interest are the cases of Greece and Bulgaria as border countries that found themselves in different ‘worlds’ and, given the geostrategic importance of their territories, which were the main ideological instruments and conductors of ideas in the Cold war of the hegemons that stood behind. The Truman Doctrine in 1947 and NATO membership in 1952 strengthened and institutionalized Western influence in Greece. Westernization of Greek society in the form of liberalization and democratiza-tion of social relations and consequently its political system proceeded rapidly with a relatively short interval of the military dictatorship.Greece was assigned the role of a model for the rapid and successful develop-ment of a western country, a bridgehead for the dissemination of anti–communist ide-as in other countries of the Balkan region, primarily Bulgaria. Besides, due to the establishment of a strict pro–Soviet regime in Sofia, the westernization of Bulgarian society was carried out including through intelligence agencies, and after a certain thaw in relations through economic cooperation.


Author(s):  
Goran Ilik

This chapter explores the key features of the concept of postnationalism, its modes, and theoretical implications regarding the European Union. The main research intention is to explore the EU as a model and an agent for reconciliation of the Balkan region. For that purpose, the main operative elements of both the South East European Cooperation Process and “Yugosphere” are examined. At the end, it is concluded that the emulation of EU postnational model by the Balkan countries enables the process of reconciliation. Hence, the Balkan states seems to be “forced” to cooperate with each other, in order to achieve their common objective – their full integration into the EU, which strongly confirms the role of the EU as an agent for reconciliation of the Balkans.


2021 ◽  
pp. 360-373
Author(s):  
Anna K. Aleksandrova ◽  

Since the mid-twentieth century, Greece has been trying, with varying degrees of success in different periods, to act as a primary agent of unification for the Balkan region. Political and economic shifts in the Balkans and in Greece itself allow us to divide the Balkan integration process into three stages. During the first stage, from the end of World War Two to the collapse of the Eastern bloc, Greece was for the most part isolated from the rest of the Balkans. The shift towards democracy and a market economy in the early 1990s marked the second stage, and this determined the growing political and economic influence of Greece in the Balkans. Greece became the primary outpost of European integration among the Balkan countries. The situation changed dramatically in 2009, after the onset of the financial and economic crisis, and represents the beginning of the third stage. The debt issues Greece faced adversely impacted the other countries and caused euroskeptic ideas to spread throughout the Balkans. The chapter thoroughly examines the integrative role of Greece in the Balkan region in each of the aforementioned stages.


Balcanica ◽  
2007 ◽  
pp. 243-268
Author(s):  
Predrag Simic

Nearly ten years since the 1999 NATO military intervention against Serbia and the establishment of UN administration, Kosovo and Metohija has resurfaced as a topical issue in international politics, separating the positions of the USA and Russia, and becoming a precedent in international relations, possibly with far-reaching consequences not only for the future of the western Balkans but also for many territorial disputes worldwide. Russia has only recently pulled herself out of the years-long Chechnya crisis, and facing similar problems in her 'new neighborhood' (Abkhazia, South Ossetia Transdniestria), is among the countries that might be affected by this precedent. Secondly, with her bad experience in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, Russia has become sensitive not only to any disturbance in the balance of power in the Balkans but also to any change to the existing international order. Moscow has not forgotten that during the 1990s many Westerners saw Serbia as a 'metaphor for Russia' and that the NATO interventions against the Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina (1995) and against Serbia (1999) revealed Russia's weakness, sending her the message to give up her interests in the Balkans and Europe. Thirdly, diverging American and Russian policies on Kosovo and Metohija coincide with their strained relations over the deployment of an antimissile 'shield' in Poland and the Czech Republic, the war in Iraq, policy towards Iran and other issues currently at the top of the list of international problems. Fourthly, meanwhile Russia has managed to recover from the disintegration of the USSR and to consolidate her economic and political power in Europe and the world, owing above all to oil and gas exports, but also to the export of industrial products (military in particular). The precedent that an independent Kosovo and Metohija would constitute in international relations is therefore a test of Russia's role as a permanent member of the UN Security Council. She has found herself in the role of the defender of the fundamental principles of international law such as the inviolability of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the UN members.


Author(s):  
Paschalis M. Kitromilides

The chapter examines the formation of a Greek national Church and its role in the political life of the country. The emergence of an independent (autocephalous) Orthodox Church in the kingdom of Greece is considered in connection with the issue of autocephaly in canon law and the debates it provoked. It is pointed out that Greek autocephaly set a precedent for the subsequent emergence of other autocephalous churches in the Orthodox communion as part of the nation- and state-building projects of the respective national societies. The multiplicity of ecclesiastical jurisdictions in the Greek state are discussed as a record bearing the traces of the unification and national integration of Greece. Penultimately, the role of the Orthodox Church of Greece as national Church and the interplay of ecclesiastical and secular politics is examined. The close connection of Church and politics in Greek society is illustrated by pointing out that periods of political instability and subversion of constitutional government in twentieth-century Greece have provoked ‘archiepiscopal questions’ in ecclesiastical life. Lastly, the main issues in Church–State relations in post-1974 Greece are surveyed and appraised.


2019 ◽  
pp. 23-49
Author(s):  
Wojciech Szczepański

Abstrakt: Napięte stosunki między Federacją Rosyjską a Zachodem, konflikty, wyraźnie interpretowane jako wojna hybrydowa prowadzona przez Rosjan w krajach, w których interesy Rosji i Zachodu zderzają się (głównie na Ukrainie), kwestionują skalę i rodzaj rosyjskiego zaangażowania na Bałkanach - obszarze tradycyjnego wielowymiarowego konfliktu między Wschodem i Zachodem, w którym destabilizacja stanowi klucz do odbudowy równowagi sił w całej Europie Środkowej. Artykuł analizuje formy rosyjskiej obecności w krajach bałkańskich - zwłaszcza na obszarze post-jugosłowiańskim - działalność gospodarczą rosyjskich służb specjalnych, wywiadowcze operacje ofensywne w Serbii, Czarnogórze, Macedonii, powiązania Moskwy z procesami politycznymi i wojną medialną sprzyjającą radykalizacji społecznej i wzrostowi nastrojów prorosyjskich. Abstract: Currently strained relations between the Russian Federation and the West, conflicts clearly interpreted as hybrid warfare led by the Russians in countries in which the interests of Russia and the West (mainly Ukraine) are overwhelming, question the scale and type of Russian involvement in the Balkans - the area of traditional multidimensional conflict between East and West, in whose destabilization lies the key to the reconstruction of the balance of power throughout Central Europe. The article examines the forms of Russian presence in the Balkan states - especially post-Yugoslavian - Russia's economic activity of its special services, intelligence offensive operations in Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia in the last few years, Moscow's links with political processes and the targeting of media messages favouring social radicalization and increase in pro-Russian moods.


2021 ◽  
pp. 105-120
Author(s):  
Akhmed K. Chapanov ◽  

The article analyzes the role of Austrian and Hungarian researchers of the 19th – 20th centuries in studying the history of the Ottoman Empire. It is noted that the earliest publications of the Ottoman documents were made in the first half of the 19th century. The orientalists J. von Hammer-Purgstall, A. Geway and A. Vambery made a significant contribution to the search for and use of archival documents during this period. In the first half of the 20th century, the Turkish scientists, with the active assistance of several European Orientalists, such as I. Karachon, P. Wittek and L.Fekete, began to reveal the contents of some Ottoman archives and systematize the documents. As a result of the activities of these researchers, a new stage was set in the study of the Ottoman history, diplomacy, and paleography, as well as in the development of archives administration in Turkey. The author concludes that the publication of the Ottoman documents, which contain valuable information about the socio-economic and political life of all the peoples of the Empire, contributed to the further scientific interest and analysis of the Ottoman documents. The studies conducted by the AustroHungarian scientists revealed that the archives of Turkey contain a large number of valuable materials that are important for studies in the history of the Turkish people and the peoples of the Arab countries, the Balkans, Iran, the Caucasus and all the countries that were under the Ottoman rule.


1989 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
James L. Busey

Writers have long claimed that Costa Rica has achieved standards of popular, constitutional government unusual for Latin America. A few recent commentators have attempted to modify the unstinted praise which others have been prone to lavish upon Costa Rican political institutions and processes.To evaluate properly the assumption that Costa Rica is somehow more “democratic” than her neighbors, there must be examination of a number of elements of Costa Rican political life—that is, press and public expression, individual rights, political parties, roles of judicial and legislative bodies, role of the military, and the like. Some studies have touched upon a few of these elements. Scholarship has yet to cover all of them. The present paper will confine itself to a further aspect of Costa Rican political life—that is, the presidential history of the country. By what means and under what circumstances have presidents secured and left office? How many have been long-term dictators? What have been the backgrounds and characteristics of leading Costa Rican presidents? How many have come from the military profession, and how many from civilian life?


Author(s):  
Yuriy Kuzmin

The author of the book, O.S. Smyslov, interprets the military events in the area of the Khalkhin Gol river in 1939, defines the causes of the war, the role of commanders, military casualties and participants of military actions. The battle of Khalkhin Gol becomes the subject of much attention and study of Russian and Mongolian historians, especially the most complex and controversial issues of military and diplomatic history. Most of the research is original and contributes significantly to the interpretation of the military conflict, its geopolitical nature and its role in the world history of the 20th century. A new interpretation of the role of Georgy Zhukov in the crushing defeat of the Japanese troops at Khalkhin Gol is proposed in the monograph of the military historian O.S. Smyslov. The author of the book made an attempt to downplay and misrepresent the participation of Zhukov in the historical events. The author’s approach to the cause of the military conflict is critically examined as well as the methodology of historical research. The author of the review believes that the attempt of a new interpretation of the war in the Khalkhin Gol area is controversial and historically unconvincing. The matter merits professional discussion. There is a need to make a special encyclopedia, “The Battle of Khalkhin Gol in 1939”, which will enable to avoid misrepresentation of the tragic and heroic military events of history of the USSR and Russia of the 20th century.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Inna Semenenko ◽  
Ruslan Halhash ◽  
Yevhen Ivchenko

The article examines the role of international organizations in promoting sustainable development and achieving sustainable development goals (SDGs) in conflict-affected regions by providing the case of Luhansk region, which since 2014 has lost a significant part of its territory, substantial industrial potential and has got numerous political, social and economic problems due to the military conflict in the East of Ukraine. The international research has already given successful experience of role of international organizations in promoting sustainable development of various problem territories. Investigation of case of Luhansk region is structured around the analysis of presence of internation­al organization in Ukraine as a whole and in Luhansk region as a conflict-affected area, and their activities. Such analysis allowed to distinguish the main directions of international organizations' activities and identify the key sustainable development aspects and SDGs, the achievement of which is possible due to these activities. Even the cursory comparison of the budgets of the region and international organizations made it obvious that the local authorities are incapable of solving the emerged problems and achieving the SDGs in conflict-affected areas without assistance of international community. Keywords: conflict-affected region, sustainable development, international organizations, promoting, sustainable development goals


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