scholarly journals Edward Azar’s Protracted Social Conflict Theory and Drivers of Self-Determination: the Case of Nigeria

2021 ◽  
pp. 313-328
Author(s):  
Najimdeen Bakare

Soon after attaining independence on October 1, 1960, the newly created nation-state – Nigeria had to wrestle with post-independent political realities. These combined with the legacies of colonial rule, and the prevalence of ethno-religious politics, led the country into civil war in 1967. Since 1960, Nigeria has experimented with different forms of government and achieved some degree of economic growth but is still plagued by the agitation of self-determination in the form of secessionist campaigns, be it the Biafra or the Oduduwa and Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). To place the discussion in perspective, the paper reviews the existing literature on the subject and also discusses Edward Azar’s protracted social conflict (PSC) theory as the theoretical base. Upon laying the theoretical foundation, the paper situates and evaluates the agitation for self-determination in Nigeria in the light of PSC. Lastly, the paper concludes that instead of seeking self-determination or territorial disintegration, the polity of Nigeria should historically revert to the practice of congenial and connected regionalism.

1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward E. Azar ◽  
Paul Jureidini ◽  
Ronald McLaurin

1980 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 575-609 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Brown

Theinter-state boundaries of Africa have changed remarkably little since the end of colonial rule, despite their lack of contiguity with the economic, ethnic, and political realities of African societies. In the few cases where attempts have been made to reject, in principle, the boundaries which were inherited at the time of independence, the demands for change have emerged in three major forms: as irredentist claims by established states based mainly on assertions of pre-colonial hegemony; as calls for the re-establishment of early colonial states which had been either partitioned or integrated into a larger state by the time of decolonisation; or as ethnic nationalist demands by partitioned communities.1


2011 ◽  
Vol 29 (7) ◽  
pp. 817-827 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guangshe Jia ◽  
Fangjun Yang ◽  
Guangbin Wang ◽  
Baonan Hong ◽  
Rui You

1976 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 655-663 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Courtright ◽  
Illene C. Courtright

A modification of Bandura’s social learning theory (imitative modeling) was employed as a theoretical base for language instruction. This approach was experimentally compared to an alternative technique which required the subject to literally match each stimulus statement made by the clinician (mimicry). The results support the prediction that modeling is more effective in teaching the subject the appropriate grammatical rule, which he or she initially lacked. Moreover, subjects in the modeling condition exhibited both greater retention of the rule and a more successful generalization of it to novel contexts. The results are explained in terms of an “interference hypothesis,” which suggests that a client’s overt verbalization may interfere with the cognitive processing necessary to learn an abstract language rule.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ioanida Costache

Drawing on theories of identity postulated by cultural theorists, scholars of gender identity, and critical race theorists, I explore issues of identity politics and “Otherness” as they pertain to Romani identity, history and activism. By critiquing the latent bifurcation of identity and subjectivity in Judith Butler’s theory of performativity as well as her explicit adherence to universalism, I begin to outline a (post-Hegelian) hermeneutic in which narratives of self enable political processes of self-determination against symbolic and epistemic systems of racialization and minoritization.[1] Roma identity both serves as an oppressive social category while at the same time empowering people for whom a shared ethnic group provides a sense of solidarity and community. In re-conceptualizing, reimagining and re-claiming Romani-ness, we can make movements towards outlining a new Romani subjectivity – a subjectivity that is firmly rooted in counterhistories of Roma, with porous boundaries that both celebrate our diversity and foster solidarity. I come to the subject of Romani identity from an understanding that our racialized and gendered identities are both performed and embodied – forming part of the horizon from which we make meaning of the world. I wish to recast the discourse surrounding Romani identity as hybridized and multicultural, as well as, following Glissant, embedded into a pluritopic notion of history.


Author(s):  
CHE MOHD AZIZ BIN YAACOB ◽  
NOR AZURA A RAHMAN

Pergolakan antara etnik Uighur dan Kerajaan China sudah lama diperkatakan. Bermula pada tahun 1949 sehingga kini, konflik ini masih belum reda malah mengakibatkan ribuan nyawa terkorban dan harta benda musnah. Kedua-dua pihak masih memperjuangkan matlamat dan kepentingan masing-masing dan belum bersedia untuk mencari penyelesaian. Penulisan ini memfokuskan kepada pendekatan Segi tiga Konflik sebagai alternatif untuk memahami konflik yang bersifat berulang-ulang ini (Protracted Social Conflict). Terdapat tiga elemen utama dalam Pendekatan Segi tiga Konflik iaitu Situasi, Sikap dan Tingkah laku. Ketiga elemen ini saling berkaitan antara satu sama lain yang mendorong kepada turun dan naik intensiti konflik. Penulisan ini merujuk kepada sumber-sumber sekunder yang melibatkan perbincangan dalam buku, jurnal, hasil kajian, laporan media dan lain-lain lagi. Data yang diperoleh ini kemudiannya dianalisis melalui pengaplikasian elemen Segi tiga Konflik sebagai alternatif memahami konflik yang berpanjangan tersebut. Kebergantungan antara tiga elemen ini membolehkan kita memahami punca-punca konflik tersebut terperangkap di intensiti yang ekstrem. Hasil daripada pengaplikasian elemen Segi tiga Konflik ini mendapati bahawa dari sudut ‘Situasi’, konflik tersebut berlaku akibat perebutan Wilayah Xinjiang (konflik material) antara etnik Uighur dan Kerajaan China dan kini telah bertukar kepada konflik nilai (agama dan identiti) sehingga sukar dikompromi dan diselesaikan. Begitu juga dengan elemen ‘Sikap’, apabila konflik yang berpanjangan tersebut telah meningkat elemen psikologi yang tidak terkawal seperti marah, benci, cemburu, imej musuh, stereotaip dan prejudis. Akhirnya, ia membentuk elemen ‘Tingkah laku’ yang memaksa, memujuk, mengugut, ancaman, diskriminasi, asimilasi  dan pembunuhan. Salah satu contoh ialah penahanan kem pendidikan dan vokasional ke atas etnik Uighur di Xinjiang yang merupakan tingkah laku asimilasi yang melibatkan ancaman dan ugutan; ia berkaitan dengan elemen psikologi stereotaip dan double standard Kerajaan China ke atas etnik Uighur.   The unrest between the Uighurs and the Chinese government has elongated for quite a long time. Since 1949, the conflict has not subsided and resulted in thousands of lives lost and property destruction. Both sides are still fighting for their respective goals and interests, and not ready to find solutions. This paper focuses on the Galtung’s Conflict Triangle Approach as an alternative to understand this recurring conflict (Protracted Social Conflict). There are three main elements in the Conflict Triangle Approach namely Situation, Attitude and Behavior. These three elements are interconnected, leading to escalated and de-escalated of conflict intensity. This paper has made reference to secondary sources involving discussions in books, journals, research results, media reports and others. In order to understand the protracted social conflict, the data obtained are analyzed using the application of the Conflict Triangle. The interdependence between these three elements allows us to understand the causes of this conflict is trapped in extreme intensity. As a result of the application of the Conflict Triangle elements, it is found that from the ‘Situation’ point of view, there is a dispute over Xinjiang province (material conflict) between the Uighur ethnic group and the Chinese government in which has turned into a values conflict (religion and identity) that is difficult to compromise and resolve. Attitude is found as an element from the protracted social conflict which was resulted to an uncontrollable psychological element such as anger,hatred, jealousy, enemy images, stereotypes and prejudice. Eventually, it forms the behavior element of coercion, persuasion, intimidation, threats,discrimination, assimilation and murder. One example is the establishment of educational and vocational detention camps for the Uighur ethnic group in Xinjiang. The camps are part of the assimilation strategy of the government to asimilate the Uighurs. The camps are reported to execute inhuman behavior involving threats and intimidation which relate to the stereotypical psychological elements and the Chinese government’s double standard on the Uighur ethnic group.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-100
Author(s):  
Silvia Rogošić ◽  
Branislava Baranović

The influence of social capital on an individual’s educational achievements is the subject of numerous scientific papers. Research on social capital is most frequently based on Coleman’s (1988) or Bourdieu’s (1986) theories of capital, which are related to different paradigms of social theory: whereas Coleman’s approach has its roots in structural functionalism, Bourdieu’s approach contains elements of conflict theory. A number of authors, starting with Bourdieu, attempt to explain and prove that, when connected with the education of individuals, the activity of social capital facilitates social reproduction. Other authors support the notion that social capital is, in fact, a powerful weapon that encourages social mobility. A third group of researchers emphasise that neither of these approaches in isolation can entirety explain the influences of social capital on an individual’s education (Ho, 2003). The present paper offers a review of research focusing on the influences of social capital on educational achievements, while outlining the fundamental differences between the two theoretical approaches that are most frequently used for research of this topic. The aim of the paper is to explain the influence of social capital on an individual’s educational achievements under Bourdieu’s and Coleman’s theoretical concepts, and to establish whether combining the approaches is possible. The conclusion and arguments show that it is legitimate to use all three theoretical approaches. 


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