scholarly journals THIRD PARTY SANCTIONS IN GAMES WITH COMMUNICATION

2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-138
Author(s):  
Jan Obłój ◽  
Katarzyna Abramczuk

Abstract This paper discusses the relation between communication and preservation of social norms guarded by third-party sanctions. In 2001 Jonathan Bendor and Piotr Swistak derived deductively the existence of such norms from a simple boundedly rational choice model. Their analysis was based on a perfect public information case. We take into account communication and analyse at the micro level the process of production and interpretation of information on which decisions are based. We show that when information is fully private and we allow for communication a state of anomie can result. If some social control mechanisms are available, social stability can be maintained. The less efficient the social control mechanisms however, the more restrictive rules will be needed to sustain the social norms. Furthermore not all cognitive strategies for interpreting received messages are equally effective. Strategies based on reputation are better than strategies based on profit analysis.

2005 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 360-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lesley Newson ◽  
Tom Postmes ◽  
S. E. G Lea ◽  
Paul Webley

As societies modernize, they go through what has become known as “the demographic transition;” couples begin to limit the size of their families. Models to explain this change assume that reproductive behavior is either under individual control or under social control. The evidence that social influence plays a role in the control of reproduction is strong, but the models cannot adequately explain why the development of small family norms always accompanies modernization. We suggest that the widening of social networks, which has been found to occur with modernization, is sufficient to explain the change in reproductive norms if it is assumed that (a) advice and comment on reproduction that passes among kin is more likely to encourage the creation of families than that which passes among nonkin and (b) this advice and comment influence the social norms induced from the communications. This would, through a process of cultural evolution, lead to the development of norms that make it increasingly difficult to have large families.


Author(s):  
Eva Zedlacher ◽  
Martina Hartner-Tiefenthaler

In the digital workspace, new forms of (negative) interactions have emerged. Workplace cyberbullying can be pervasive, fast, and intrude the private sphere. These aspects make organizational surveillance and prevention challenging. In this conceptual chapter, the authors argue that for establishing an ethical digital workspace, civility values and ethical principles of individual responsibility and mutual respect are crucial. For prevention of workplace cyberbullying, formal systems like technological detection systems or policies are insufficient. Rather, organizations need to foster informal “social control.” The social norms in small workgroups and the leader's role-modeling behavior should guide the digital behavior of employees at and beyond work, and eventually create a climate of respect. This should also help to increase bystanders' moral awareness of allegedly minor uncivil incidents. Examples of different formal and informal preventive measures are discussed. The chapter ends with a brief discussion and outlook on future legal and technological advancements.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (26) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
José Vicente ◽  
Susana Loureiro

This paper focuses on the main lines of action that guide the debate between social and legal issues in the attribution of non-custodial penalties. The emphasis is specifically placed on the vulnerability to social exclusion and how to categorize offenders. This begins from the premise that certain stigmatizing attributes and relationships put the person in a position of fragility that conditions them to live their citizenship to the full. It is well known that the social rules and laws instituted at national level exist to condition and establish limits among citizens in order to promote healthy coexistence and non-compliance, which is punishable by law. Infractions are based on the social inadequacy or pathological disability of some citizens. The existence of social control mechanisms is felt by a large part of the community as a means of security and an advantage in guaranteeing the stability and sustainability of the social structure and organization. In this context, the judicial sentences with penalties and non-custodial measures are in force in the legal system with the principle of deterring offenders and reducing the contagion of experiences in the prison context. The judicial penalties, which initially were seen as merely having a compensatory function to the evil of crime, are answered with the evil of the penalties. This evolved to the current conception, and the purposes that should guide the application of the penalties are exclusive, preventive, general, and special. This change in perspective happens because the socialization of the agent assumes a preponderant role today in determining the judicial sentence (private or non-custodial sentences) to be applied in order to contribute to its regeneration, re-education, re-socialization or social reintegration. From the data collected, in the latest reports prepared in Portugal by the Directorate-General for Rehabilitation and Prison Services and by the Statistics Services of Justice, it is clearly seen that there has been a concern by judges/magistrates to articulate with these and other community structures to collect social information and social reports. This is done so that the penalties are attributed fairly, in order to take into account the regenerative character and to promote the social and professional reintegration of the offenders.


Criminology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet Ransley

The major premise of third party policing is that police on their own cannot succeed in reducing many crime and disorder problems. Instead, they need to draw on the social control mechanisms held by other government and community actors. Third party policing occurs when police leverage the powers or legal levers held by those other actors or partners to help control or reduce crime or disorder. The move for police to work through partners has accelerated due to trends in governance, the increasing scope of government regulation, and the expectation that communities will help co-produce public safety. At a time when many police agencies face budget restrictions, encouraging others to assume some crime control responsibility becomes especially important. These trends have expanded how crime can be regulated and prevented in ways that do not rest only on traditional criminal law or justice processes. Typical police partners include regulators, businesses, property owners, and schools. Legal levers include property or fire codes, liquor regulation, rental contracts, and school suspension or discipline powers. Police seek to activate or escalate their partners’ use of these non-criminal powers, either cooperatively or coercively, so as to extend the range of policing influence over problem places, people, or situations. Therefore, third party policing is both proactive, in that it is focused on addressing and reducing the causes of crime and disorder, and problem-oriented, in that it seeks to do so by analyzing and resolving recurrent, underlying problems. The focus on places, people, and situations also aligns with situational crime prevention techniques, such as hots spots policing and focused deterrence. But third party policing is differentiated from these other approaches through its reliance on the legal levers of partners. The first section in this entry outlines how third party policing has developed over the past twenty years. There are also sections on the role and use of regulation in policing, the contribution of civil remedies to crime prevention, descriptions of the multiple contexts in which third party policing has been adopted, factors that promote successful partnerships, assessments of outcomes and effectiveness, and issues to do with ethics and accountability.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (02) ◽  
pp. 1850005
Author(s):  
WOOYEAL PAIK

This paper discusses the Xinfang institution of petitions (letters and visits) and explores the ways in which the Chinese Communist Party regime utilizes social control mechanisms to identify, oversee, and suppress socially discontented people with grievances in the post-Mao market reform era. This public-facing institution for managing participation and rightful resistance, which aims to oversee local officials and redress mass grievances, also plays an unexpected role in social control. Unlike the social control exercised by police patrols in police states, Xinfang functions first as a “fire alarm” in this authoritarian regime; then, if necessary, as a selective “police patrol,” collecting information on discontented people with grievances, monitoring them, quelling and even preempting their protests, and referring dangerous petitioners to higher levels of government to prevent disruption in politically critical regions. This argument is supported with a detailed institutional analysis of the nationwide structure of Xinfang and several case studies of Xinfang’s multi-layered response to petitioners to Beijing, during the Falun Gong incidents in 1999 and 2000 in particular. Several complementary case studies on the behavior of local petition mechanisms and statistical evidence are also analyzed.


1982 ◽  
Vol 27 (12) ◽  
pp. 1002-1002
Author(s):  
No authorship indicated

Author(s):  
Stephanie K. Pell

After the September 11 attacks, law enforcement's mission expanded to include, at times even prioritize, the general “prevention, deterrence and disruption” of terrorist attacks, which presumed a new emphasis upon threat detection and identification by analyzing patterns in larger, less specific bodies of information. Indeed, the unprecedented level of “third-party” possession of information inevitably makes the private sector the most reliable and comprehensive source of information available to law enforcement and intelligence agencies alike. This chapter explores the potential applications of systematic government access to data held by third-party private-sector intermediaries that would not be considered public information sources but, rather, data generated based on the role these intermediaries play in facilitating economic and business transactions (including personal business, such as buying groceries or staying at a hotel on vacation).


In their debate over Dreyfus’s interpretation of Heidegger’s account of das Man in Being and Time, Frederick Olafson and Taylor Carman agree that Heidegger’s various characterizations of das Man are inconsistent. Olafson champions an existentialist/ontic account of das Man as a distorted mode of being-with. Carman defends a Wittgensteinian/ontological account of das Man as Heidegger’s name for the social norms that make possible everyday intelligibility. For Olafson, then, das Man is a privative mode of Dasein, while for Carman it makes up an important aspect of Dasein’s positive constitution. Neither interpreter takes seriously the other’s account, though both acknowledge that both readings are possible. How should one choose between these two interpretations? Dreyfus suggests that we choose the interpretation that identifies the phenomenon that the work is examining, gives the most internally consistent account of that phenomenon, and shows the compatibility of this account with the rest of the work.


Author(s):  
Marek Korczynski

This chapter examines music in the British workplace. It considers whether it is appropriate to see the history of music in the workplace as involving a journey from the organic singing voice (both literal and metaphorical) of workers to broadcast music appropriated by the powerful to become a technique of social control. The chapter charts four key stages in the social history of music in British workplaces. First, it highlights the existence of widespread cultures of singing at work prior to industrialization, and outlines the important meanings these cultures had for workers. Next, it outlines the silencing of the singing voice within the workplace further to industrialization—either from direct employer bans on singing, or from the roar of the industrial noise. The third key stage involves the carefully controlled employer- and state-led reintroduction of music in the workplace in the mid-twentieth century—through the centralized relaying of specific forms of music via broadcast systems in workplaces. The chapter ends with an examination of contemporary musicking in relation to (often worker-led) radio music played in workplaces.


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