Political Development of Lithuania: A Comparative Analysis of Second Post-communist Decade

2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 217-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zenonas Norkus
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Stress Test ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Stress Tests ◽  
Post Communism ◽  
As Stress

AbstractThe goal of this paper is to put into focus and explain distinctive features of the political developments in Lithuania during second post-communist decade, comparing them with other Baltic States (Latvia and Estonia) and those Central European countries with political systems which resembled most closely Lithuania (Poland and Hungary) by the end of the first post-communist decade. In all these countries, second post-communist decade witnessed the rise of the new successful populist parties. The author argues that this populist rise is the proper context for understanding of Rolandas Paksas’ impeachment in Lithuania in 2003–2004. His Order and Justice Party has to be classified together with the Kaczynski twins Law and Justice Party and its even more radical allies in Poland, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz and Gábor Vona’s Jobbik in Hungary, Juhan Part’s Res Publica in Estonia and Einars Repše’s New Era in Latvia. They all were right-wing populist parties, proclaiming in their anti-establishment rhetoric the war on corruption of the (ex-communist) elite and the coming of new politics. While the rise of right-wing populism did not change the political system in Estonia and Latvia, its outcome in Hungary and Poland was the breakup of the ex-communist and anti-communist elites pact which was the foundation of the political stability during first post-communist decade. The Kaczynski twins founded Rzecz Pospolita IV (4th Republic of Poland), grounded in the thorough and comprehensive lustration of the ex-communist cadres. Fidesz leader Orban used the two-thirds majority in the Hungarian parliament to promulgate a new constitution. Lithuania is unique in that the ex-communist and anti-communist elites pact was not abolished, but preserved and consolidated thanks to the collaboration of all, by this time, established and left-of-center populist parties during the impeachment proceedings. The impeachment of Paksas can be considered as the stress test of the young Lithuanian liberal democracy just on the eve of the accession of Lithuania to the European Union and NATO. An unhappy peculiarity of the stress tests is that they sometimes break or damage the items tested. Preventing the transformation of liberal post-communism into populist post-communism in Lithuania, the impeachment as stress test was a success. However, against the expectation of many observers, it did not enhance the quality of democracy of Lithuania. The legacy of impeachment are disequilibrium of the balance of power between government branches in favor of the Constitutional Court, strengthening of the left-of-centre populist political forces and the interference of secret services into Lithuanian politics with the self-assumed mission to safeguard Lithuanian democracy from the perils of populism.

Extreme Political Beliefs Predict Dogmatic Intolerance

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 292-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan-Willem van Prooijen ◽  
André P. M. Krouwel
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Political Right

Dogmatic intolerance—defined as a tendency to reject, and consider as inferior, any ideological belief that differs from one’s own—is often assumed to be more prominent at the political right than at the political left. In the present study, we make two novel contributions to this perspective. First, we show that dogmatic intolerance is stronger among left- and right-wing extremists than moderates in both the European Union (Study 1) as well as the United States (Study 2). Second, in Study 3, participants were randomly assigned to describe a strong or a weak political belief that they hold. Results revealed that compared to weak beliefs, strong beliefs elicited stronger dogmatic intolerance, which in turn was associated with willingness to protest, denial of free speech, and support for antisocial behavior. We conclude that independent of content, extreme political beliefs predict dogmatic intolerance.

La moralizzazione della politica nella Bulgaria post-comunista: i registri di denuncia della corruzione

2009 ◽  
pp. 59-77
Author(s):  
Nadčge Ragaru
Keyword(s):  
Social Inequalities ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Ethics ◽  
Advocacy Networks ◽  
The Public ◽  
External Pressures ◽  
Key Word ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
Post Communism

- The purpose of this article is threefold. First, it aims to investigate the conditions under which questions of political ethics and corruption have been promoted to the agenda in post-socialist Bulgaria. A particular stress is here placed on the interactions between external pressures (international financial organizations, the European Union…) and domestic players (various NGOs, media and other advocacy networks). Second, the political uses of anti-corruption are analyzed. Far from contributing to a more transparent way of doing politics, since the end of the 1990s the denunciation of corrupt behaviour has indeed turned into one of the most powerful ploys used by ruling elites against their political opponents. Finally, attention is brought to the public receptions of calls for morality in politics. "Corruption" has not become a key word solely because of the widespread existence of corrupt practices in Bulgaria. The notion also gained currency as it became incorporated into private narratives of post-communism. To many average citizens, this terminology offered ways of depicting and denunciating growing social inequalities, the disruption of social ties as well as the increased monetarization of social status associated with the transition to market democracy.

A Century of the Baltic States’ Independence: Some Similarities and Differences with Bulgaria

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-76
Author(s):  
Gabriela Belova ◽  
Nikolay Marin
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Development ◽  
100Th Anniversary ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Baltic States ◽  
Common Problems ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
The Baltic

The article scrutinizes the Baltic States and their century of independence which have been the focus of interest of various sciences. On the occasion of the commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the proclamation of the independence of the Baltic States – Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia – some parallels could be drawn with the historical, economic and political development of these countries and Bulgaria. These parallels are not only found in the political and legal period but are contained in different stages, which shows the interesting legal and political nature of the Baltic States and some of their common problems and events with the countries of Eastern Europe and, in particular, the example with Bulgaria. The article has also drawn attention to a significant problem that the three Baltic States and Bulgaria have to deal with, namely the demographic crisis. This problem is particularly important in the light of migratory pressures that the countries outlining the external borders of the European Union are facing and it involves systematic and long-term efforts.

scholarly journals Bring Back the Politics: The PSPP Ruling in Its Institutional Context

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (5) ◽  
pp. 1045-1057
Author(s):  
Teresa Violante
Keyword(s):  
Monetary Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Constitutional Courts ◽  
Eu Integration ◽  
Democratic Principle ◽  
Federal Constitutional ◽  
Policy Measures ◽  
German Federal Constitutional Court

AbstractIn this paper, I argue that the conflict between the German Federal Constitutional Court and the Court of Justice of the European Union is the story of a clash foretold, if one takes seriously constitutional courts as institutions designed to be “dogs that bite.” The German Court consistently developed a doctrinal tool to guide its role as guardian of the national constitutional order and the democratic principle, and enforced it when the constitutional control of monetary policy measures so required. I analyze the PSPP ruling, focusing on where the Court concluded that the lack of a satisfactory statement of reasons by the European Central Bank prevented it from reviewing the proportionality of the program. I argue that the Court, after conducting a substantive assessment, applied a weak remedy, thereby deferring the last word on the constitutionality of the PSPP to the political branches. In doing so, the Court opens space for the political assessment of a controversial monetary policy, enhancing the politicization of the Economic and Monetary Union, and provides a doctrinal toolbox for national constitutional courts that face competence creep of EU law in their jurisdictions. I conclude that, ultimately, the main merit of constitutional courts’ interventions in the EU integration is that they are in a privileged position to allow for the politicization of technocratic processes.

scholarly journals TANTANGAN SUPRANASIONALITAS UNI EROPA: KOMPARASI INTEGRASI POLITIK PADA KRISIS EUROZONE 2008 DAN KRISIS PENGUNGSI 2015

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-79
Author(s):  
Demas Nauvarian
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
International Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Integration ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Central European ◽  
Liberal Internationalism ◽  
Right Wing Populism

The European Union is widely referred to as the international organization at the regional level with the highest integration phase. His journey is thought to have united the continent of Europe in a post-modern supranational political institution with a new post-Westphalia identity - European continental identity. This can be defined as a process of political integration. The process marked by the transfer of sovereignty, for example, can be seen in the European Union's ability to handle the Euro crisis in 2008. However, along the way, the political integration of the European Union is considered to be weakening. Post-Crisis 2008, the European Union experienced another challenge in the form of the 2014-2015 Refugee Crisis. This paper aims to answer questions related to why there is a weakening of the political integration of the European Union in these two challenges. By using the method of cross-longitudinal comparative studies on the responses of countries to the EU's decisions in the two challenges above, this paper argues that the increase in right-wing populism in various countries, particularly in Eastern and Central European countries, is a factor. the main part of the start to break up the political integration of the European Union. This paper concludes that the political values ​​of right-wing populism that focus on nation-state nationalism are contrary to the basic values ​​of the European Union which focus on liberal internationalism, and will become an obstacle to the future of EU political integration.

scholarly journals 25 years later – Austria’s shift to the populist right: national characteristics of a pan-European trend

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 399-417
Author(s):  
Karin Liebhart
Keyword(s):  
Eu Enlargement ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Far Right ◽  
National Differences ◽  
National Characteristics ◽  
European Political Science ◽  
Austrian Population

AbstractThe year 1995 rather coincidentally tags both the foundation of the Central European Political Science Association and the accedence of Austria, one of its founding members, to the European Union. Austria has particularly benefitted from its membership and the following EU enlargement rounds which also welcomed the other CEPSA members to the club. However, it seems that these advantages have not yet been fully appreciated, neither by a significant part of the political elite nor by the majority of the Austrian population. Increasing Euroscepticism and EU bashing can be observed during the last two and a half decades. The rise of the populist far-right, EU-hostile Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) was simultaneous. Of course, the political success of right-wing populism in combination with strong Euroscepticism has become a pan-European phenomenon since at least the last two decades. It is certainly not purely an Austrian phenomenon. Nevertheless, one can observe national differences. Since a systematic comparison of the development of right-wing populist patterns and related political trends between Austria and other CEPSA member countries would go beyond the scope of this essay, the focus of the paper is on relevant Austrian characteristics pertinent to this phenomenon.

scholarly journals Is the Iron Silk Road Really So Important? Rail Freight Use on China’s “Silk Road Economic Belt”

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 168-193
Author(s):  
P. Bucsky ◽  
T. Kenderdine
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Financial Risk ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Rail Freight ◽  
Political Concept ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Central Asian

CR Express containerised rail transport between Europe and China is a flagship project of China’s “Belt and Road”. Yet operational and financial details of the project remain scarce. Due to poor governance and logistics transparency, the actual quantity of containers and goods transported is essentially unknowable. The authors doubt the efficacy of the CR Express intercontinental rail system and test its real and possible capacity throughputs. In the article they compare China public media statements with European Union statistics and reveal discrepancies between the number of trains supposedly departing China and the number of trains arriving in the European Union. This article provides numerous data sources and estimates on China–Europe rail freight traffic and demonstrates that the actual transported quantity of goods is probably lower than anticipated or reported. The article also analyses the political development of the CR Express rail freight system and China’s wider “Transport Power” policy. It concludes that while the political concept of the CR Express rail freight system is progressive, and the economic development of creating new cumulative causation systems is theoretically possible, that the evidence for actual economic use is underwhelming. This research helps European Union, Russian, and Central Asian policymakers better assess the viability of participating in the continued rollout of China’s CR Express intercontinental rail freight system. The authors warn that while the CR Express system has potential to be an economic good for Central Asian development it exposes the Eurasian economies to China's political and financial risk. For China the CR Express system fulfils only geopolitical and geoeconomic functions, and ultimately participation in the policy is of minimal utility to European Union economies.

scholarly journals Nordic dog whistles. Analyzing discriminatory discourses in the parlance of the Scandinavian radical right parties

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-40
Author(s):  
Luiza-Maria Filimon
Keyword(s):  
Radical Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
Case Basis

The Nordic states had an active radical right presence long before the economic and refugee crises that swept the shores of the European Union (EU) left in their wake a reinvigorated right-wing contingent. The radical right parties (RRPs) have not only registered various degrees of electoral success, but have also made inroads into the political mainstream. The three defining characteristics that set these parties apart from the more traditional far-right ones are: 1) the repudiation of hardcore extremism; 2) the search for political viability; and 3) the acquisition of mainstream recognition. The present article argues that as these parties compete for legitimacy, they are forced to alter their discriminatory rhetoric by switching tonal registers. One of the political strategies that enables them to put the outright “overt” in the “covert” is the recourse to dog whistle politics. How well can they overcome the stigma associated with their more extreme reflexes depends on a case by case basis. This article examines whether the four most prominent examples of Nordic radicalism (the Danish People’s Party, Finns Party, Sweden Democrats, and Norway’s Progress Party) have integrated dog whistles in their political messaging and tracks how these coded appeals change from one country to another. In analyzing the response to the 2015 refugee crisis, the study finds that to a certain extent, the rhetoric utilized falls into the coded register or at the very least purposefully attempts to veer away from the radical excesses which are marginalizing and self-exclusionary.

Wrestling with Constitutionalism: the Supermajority and the Hungarian Constitutional Court

ICL Journal ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Attila Vincze
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
European Context ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

AbstractSince the elections of 2010, the right-wing coalition has a supermajority in the Hungarian Parliament, and is able to amend the Constitution without any further ado. The Constitution became a part of the political tool-kit which may and is amended as the government needs it to be amended. Under these circumstances, the Constitutional Court cannot be a vigorous guardian of constitutional values, and the Parliament did everything in order to housetrain the formerly widely acknowledged Constitutional Court: cut back its powers filled the bench with rather loyal justices and blocked the critical decisions.The present article is aimed to describe and to critically analyze these strategies in a national and European context.

scholarly journals Islam's increased visibility in the European public sphere

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 68-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Didem Doganyilmaz Duman
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
European Public Sphere ◽  
European Public

It is believed that the massive flow of refugees and dramatically increased asylum applications from Muslim societies to member countries of the European Union will cause significant change in the demographic characteristics of those countries. Although the presence of Muslims is not a recent phenomenon in Europe, their increased visibility has become once again a dominant political discourse for right-wing political parties. The important question is whether the Muslim presence has become a component of the post-truth politics of the political leaders of these parties, or whether it constitutes a real threat to European society. Does the European Union, then, face a real crisis? If so, what is the nature of the crisis – is it a refugee crisis, an identity crisis, or even worse, is it a crisis of tolerance? This paper analyses the political atmosphere and its effects on society in terms of an increased visibility of Muslims and Islamic symbols in the European public sphere in order to answer those questions.

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