scholarly journals Tudományágak a szakosodás és a populáris kultúra határán

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-3.) ◽  
pp. 95-110
Author(s):  
Edina Kicsindi
Keyword(s):  
Public Interest ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
Official Journal ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Financial Security ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Geographical Society ◽  
Scientific Associations ◽  
The 19Th Century

Scientific associations that still exist today were founded all across Europe since the middle of the 19th century. Magyar Földrajzi Társulat (Hungarian Geographical Society; now: Magyar Földrajzi Társaság) was created in 1872, Magyarországi Néprajzi Társaság (Hungarian Ethnographical Society; now: Magyar Néprajzi Társaság) in 1889; but they were different from today’s similar organizations in their basic goals, tasks and their membership as well. These associations were “hybrids” of sorts: they possessed both a scientific side and a science-popularizing side that aimed for a large number of members for financial security. The Hungarian Geographical Society used the huge public interest surrounding the exploration of Africa better: inviting explorers returning from Africa, public readings and regular news based on foreign associations’ publications served undoubtedly the above mentioned popularizing purpose. However the geographers of the early 20th century voiced harsh critiques against the sensationalism of the Hungarian Geographical Society. At the same time Hungarian geography as a science was not lagging behind that of Western Europe at the time of the explorations. 1870-1880 were the decades of Central African exploration, and the main focus of Western European geographical publications and events as well. The official journal of the Hungarian Ethnographical Society, Ethnographia containing much fewer Africa-centric publications is partly due to the Association having been created at the end of the explorations. However, while Földrajzi Közlemények (the official journal of the Hungarian Geographical Society) followed the political movements of Europe in Africa between 1890 and 1900, even though the time of explorations was over, Ethnographia distanced itself from these in favour for more professional content. Földrajzi Közlemények and Hungarian geography in general only followed suit after 1900.

Krieg und Frieden. Land und Militär in direkter Konfrontation 1797–1918

2021 ◽  
pp. 331-358
Author(s):  
Willibald Rosner
Keyword(s):  
Dominant Factor ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
The Social ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World

War and Peace. Land and Military in Direct Confrontation 1797–1918. This chapter focuses on the extremes in relations between the land and the military. The first part deals with the period until 1866, when wars actually took place on Lower Austrian soil and foreign forces were stationed in the land. Here the analysis centres on strategies developed by the population to cope with extraordinary situations. The second section deals with the emergence of the military as a state regulatory power in the sphere of internal and public security in war and peace. The social conflicts following the Vormärz and the political movements in the second half of the 19th century played a role here, as did the First World War, when, although Lower Austria was not a frontline area, the military were the dominant factor in terms of internal security, public control, working life and food security.

Remarks on the Origins of Secularism and Nationalism in Iran

2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 153-179
Author(s):  
Pejman Abdolmohammadi
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Islamic History ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
First Time ◽  
Constitutional Revolution

Mirzā Fatḥʿalī Āḫūndzāde (1812-1878) is one of the most important thinkers and intellectuals of the 19th century in Iran. He started to develop a critical perception of political Islam, giving rise to a new current of thought based on Persian nationalism, secularism and constitutionalism. This article, after a brief introduction of the political and historical context of the 19th century, will analyse the political thought of Āḫūndzāde, highlighting some fundamental elements of his ideas and reflections such as enlightenment, nationalism, constitutionalism, the relationship between religion and politics, and the importance of individual liberties and civil rights. Āḫūndzāde was able to combine the Western enlightenment with the Persian pre-Islamic history and identity, creating, for the first time in the Iranian modern history, a new current of thought based on secularism and nationalism. This article will also show how Āḫūndzāde’s thought influenced the political evolution of Persia from the mid of nineteenth century until today, highlighting some important historical events of Persia such as the Constitutional Revolution, Riḍā Šāh’s reign, Muṣaddiq’s government and the political movements of today’s Iranian civil society.

scholarly journals Benih Mardeka in the Political Movement in East Sumatra, 1916–1923

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-157
Author(s):  
Budi Agustono ◽  
Kiki Maulana Affandi ◽  
Junaidi Junaidi
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The Poor ◽  
National Movement ◽  
The Press ◽  
Historical Methods ◽  
The Voice

This study aims to explain the movements, relationships and roles of Benih Mardeka newspaper in the political movement in East Sumatra from the period 1916 to 1923. Political movements took place as a result of rapid developments in the early 20th century in East Sumatra into a prosperous plantation area. The movements were carried by organisations delivered through propaganda tools or media, namely newspapers. One of the newspapers that loudly voiced national movement and nationalism in East Sumatra was Benih Mardeka newspaper, which began to appear in 1916. This study uses historical methods that include heuristic, source criticism, interpretation and historiography. The results showed that many articles in Benih Mardeka frequently criticised the issues of colonialism and capitalism. Meanwhile, the poor life of plantation workers became propaganda material for Benih Mardeka in criticising colonial and self-government as well as capitalists, namely plantation companies. Benih Mardeka was also a mouthpiece or tool for Sarekat Islam in conveying the idea of nation and nationalism. Hence, it can be concluded that Benih Mardeka consistently gave the voice of national movement and nationalism in the political movement and the press in East Sumatra.

scholarly journals Colonization of the Steppe in the Activities of Representatives of the Kazakh Intelligentsia in the 2nd Half of the 19th – the Beginning of the 20th Centuries

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (8) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
S. A. Abselemov
Keyword(s):  
Professional Identity ◽  
Indigenous Population ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Colonial Discourse ◽  
The Status ◽  
Favorable Conditions ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Leftist Parties ◽  
Written Sources

The article examines the materials of the anti-colonial discourse of the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries, which is based on the ideas of the national intelligentsia of Kazakhstan about the status of the indigenous population of the Steppe Territory in imperial projects and colonization practices. The research of the written sources and activities of the liberal national intelligentsia revealed, that the priority was given to criticism of Russia's imperial policy towards nomadic groups of the population. This paper aims to identify the sociocultural conditions of the formation of the national intelligentsia, as well as the approaches of the early Kazakhstan historiography to the assessment of the factors of the agrarian colonization. As a result, the author found out that implementing the policy of “big Russian nation”, the Russian authorities tried to create the favorable conditions for the natural Russification of the Kazakh elite. The political measures included among the others the involvement in education and management system. Thus the emerging layer of the national intelligentsia actively participated in the imperial activity o intended to study of the colonization fund, jointly with a detachment of state officials – groups with common signs of professional identity. in the second half of the 19th century, in the period of growing popularity of separatist sentiments in Kazakhstan, the national intelligentsia, educated in the European spirit, actively perceived the ideas of Siberian regionalism, and in the early 20th century – radical leftist parties and movements, which strengthened the anti-colonial the focus of their rhetoric.

scholarly journals German Borders and Germany as a Boundary: Images of the Liminal Space in the Russian Literature of the Late 18th – Early 20th Centuries

2020 ◽  
pp. 186-209
Author(s):  
Sergey S. Zhdanov ◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Travel Literature ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Russian Literature ◽  
The Other ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
German Empire ◽  
German Nation ◽  
New Space ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The 19Th Century

The paper examines the spatial images of German borders in the Russian literature of the late 18th – early 20th centuries. These ‘liminal’ descriptions of Germany come in several variations. The first is the image of the boundary as a syncretic and transit locus between Russia and Germany, i.e. between Us and Them respectively. Their features are mixed there as in cases of Karamzin’s Livonia or Skalkovsky’s Kurland. Secondly, the booundary can be presented as a certain point, reaching which the narrator / hero finds themselves in a new space, for example, Travemünde during a sea voyage or Eydtkuhnen when traveling by rail. The description of this conventional point follows several traditions in the travel literature. One was set up by N.M. Karamzin’s Letters of a Russian Traveler ”, when the voyager is aware of his transition into Their space and experiences an emotional uplift. Over time, however, this “attack of topophilia” becomes the object of a travesty game and ridicule of the literary tradition, as, for example, in Myatlev’s poem “Sensations and Comments by Madame Kurdyukova Abroad, Dans L’etranger”. Topophilia, interest in the Other, can also be encouraged by the feeling of getting into a more free locus, which marks Germany in particular and Western Europe in general as spaces of freedom (in the travelogues by K.A. Skalkovsky, M.E. Saltykov-Shchedrin). Another variant of a Russian traveler’s reaction to crossing the German border is frustration, which is felt in Fonvisin’s letters abroad. Their author feels disenchantment With each new point on the journey, D.I. Fonvizin feel inauthentic German space as the embodiment of the European Other. This generates a third variant of the German liminal locus, when the entire Germany becomes a border, a transitory, boring, semiotically empty place on the way to real Europe, for example, France (texts by D.I. Fonvizin, F.M. Dostoevsky and others). Probably, it determines the perception of the German nation as an average nation without any strongly pronounced characteristics. In addition, the situation of crossing the border with Germany can also be trivialized as opposed to Karamzin’s tradition, as in A.T. Averchenko’s travelogue. Along with topophilia, frustration and indifference in texts about the borders of Germany in the second half of the 19th century describe the motif of topophobia, fear of the Other in its version of the new German Empire, generating images of a latent or obvious threat, aggression, for example, in the texts by M.E. Saltykov-Shchedrin, N.A. Leikin. Finally, early travelogues of this period emphasise the internal borders between German lands, while by the early 20th century the images of the internal German borders fade and become trivial.

Native Brazilians under the Monarchy in Brazil

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Regina Celestino de Almeida
Keyword(s):  
General Population ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Military Bases ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Intensive Exploitation ◽  
Physical Spaces ◽  
The 19Th Century

A variety of indigenous peoples active in the backlands and villages of monarchic Brazil presented challenges to the policy of building a national state. The implementation of an indigenist policy that sought to assimilate and incorporate indigenous people as citizens and workers for the Empire was widely debated by politicians and intellectuals who developed different images and political projects for indigenous peoples in accordance with their varying degrees of sociocultural insertion in the various provinces of the Empire. Natives in the backlands were portrayed as savages for whom just wars and enslavement were an appropriate response to any who resisted being assigned to settlements or military bases, while it was proposed that natives in the settled areas be assimilated and their collective lands and aldeias (indigenous villages) be dissolved. Abuse, irregularities, violence, ill-treatment, illegal enslavement, and intensive exploitation of Indian labor by colonists, public authorities, and priests were widely denounced throughout the various regions of the Empire. Indians acted and reacted in a variety of ways, ranging from confrontation to collaboration: they resorted to both legal battles and armed conflict to defend their rights and their land. They fought vigorously in the non-Indians’ wars, both on the frontiers and in the political movements of the Empire, seeking to extract their own advantages from the alliances they formed. There was intense interaction among backlands Indians, aldeia Indians, and non-Indians, including African-descended slaves and quilombolas, and they circulated among both physical spaces and social categorizations, often crossing borders that separated one from another. Many settled Indians remained in their established aldeias, fighting to preserve them. They resorted to the courts in defense of their communal lives and land, affirming their indigenous identities and contradicting the discourse of politicians and intellectuals who considered them assimilated into the general population and civilized, and thus subject to having their aldeias legally abolished. Current ethnogenesis movements have revealed the fallacy of the belief that Indians disappeared in the 19th century.

scholarly journals A contemporary Algerian Girl Tells her Story

1970 ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Lebanese American University
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
The 19Th Century

A French colony in the 19th century, Algeria was awakened to the ideas of independence in the early 20th century, particularly after the organization of the FLN (National Liberation Front) in 1930. Women were encouraged to participate in the political struggle but the era of independence did not bring them the liberation they expected.

scholarly journals The Historical Memory of the 1812 War in Lithuania in the 19th and Early 20th Centuries: A Complex Process

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-97
Author(s):  
Virgilijus Pugačiauskas ◽  
Olga Mastianica-Stankevič
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
History Textbooks ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
National Discourse ◽  
Memory Culture ◽  
Younger Generation ◽  
The 19Th Century

In historiography, significant attention to the memory culture of the Napoleonic Wars in Europe focuses on issues relating to the memory culture of the Franco-Russian War of 1812; however, the case of Lithuania is not commonly analysed separately, thus this article discusses how assessments of the 1812 war were maintained in the historical memory in Lithuania. The Russian government offered the population in the lands of the former GDL its official version of the historical memory of the 1812 war (of a heroic battle against an invader), which contradicted the version this population considered as ‘its own’, experienced as their support for Napoleon and the new political and social prospects they believed he would bring. The Russian government’s censorship of written literature suppressed the spread of the people’s ‘own’ local historical memory, yet it did not prove to be so effective due to the population’s very limited opportunities to use the printed word. Communicative memory dominated in the land in the first half of the 19th century, becoming the main source testifying to and passing on to subsequent generations the actual multifaceted experiences of the 1812 war, including the chance of liberation from the yoke of the Russian Empire. In the second half of the 19th century, representatives of local Russian imperial government structures and the local Russian intelligentsia, responding to the 1812 war as a Polish struggle for freedom and a symbol of political independence, explained in academic, educational and popular literature that the hopes of the Poles related to Napoleon were actually unfounded: the French emperor had no intentions of restoring the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth within its historical boundaries, but simply wanted to fill his army units with Polish forces. It was highlighted that this expression of Polish support for Napoleon stopped the Russian imperial government’s potential plans to restore the Poles’ former statehood. This so-called regional narrative which appeared in history textbooks and was used by exacting emotional and visual impact in order to influence the political and cultural provisions of the younger generation had a dual purpose. First, to justify the discriminatory policies against individuals of ‘Polish origins’. Second, to ‘block’ the path for using the 1812 war as a historical argument testifying not just to the common historical past and struggle of Poles and Lithuanians but also their possible political future, which was openly expressed in the Polish national discourse of the early 20th century. Over the course of a hundred years, despite the government’s actions, Poles managed to uphold ‘their own’ historical memory about the 1812 war; its meanings were spread in various forms of media such as fictional literature, museum exhibitions and history textbooks, and were used to shape the political and cultural position of the younger generation. In the Lithuanian national discourse on the other hand, the 1812 war, along with the 1830–1831 and 1863–1864 uprisings, was viewed as a matter concerning the Poles and the Polonised nobility, and it was thus a foreign place of historical memory. The 1812 war and assessments of its potential importance to Lithuanians in the Lithuanian national discourse of the early 20th century were one-off cases and fragmented, while their spread among broader layers of society was limited.

scholarly journals The Concept of the millet in Turkish dictionaries: Its alteration and the impact on Ottoman Macedonia

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 171-192
Author(s):  
Maria Pandevska ◽  
Makedonka Mitrova
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Different Cultures ◽  
The Impact

In the 19th century the dictionaries/glossaries represent the first brace which connected different cultures and languages, thus also linking the Orient with the Occident and vice versa. In this context the research is focused on the Turkish dictionaries/glossaries, which for a long time actually represented one of the basic media of transmitting the new Western ideas in the East, and in our case, in the Ottoman Empire. Through the short comparative analyses of these dictionaries/glossaries and their authors (from the 19th century and early 20th century) we follow the change of the cognitive concept of the term millet with the term nation. The case study is focused on Ottoman Macedonia and on the political implications caused by this change of the meaning of the Ottoman term millet.

Slogan Back to the al-Quran and Sunnah: Studi atas Gerakan Politik Islam Jamaluddin al-Afghani

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-152
Author(s):  
Syahuri Arsyi
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Historical Approach ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
Western Imperialism ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Islamic Modernism

This article will discuses the Islamic political movements of one the thinker renewal of Islamic modernism in the 19th century, namely is Jamaluddin al-Afghani (1839-1897). This study used historical approach, to understand and explore one's personality by looking at this socio-culture and intellectual background to social impression. This study found, first the political movement’sal-Afghani is very unique and different than another. Her movement  to carried out in the frame of slogan “back to the al-Quran and the Sunnah” as response to the attitude of Muslims that are experiencing deterioration and decline, and a response to western imperialism in the Islamic world. al-Afghanito encourage of Muslims to united in the pan-Islamism. Second, al-Afghani uses the slogan “back to the al-Quran and the Sunnah” in his political movement as well as a spirit for the Muslims to re-ijtihad-sasi against, especially to the concepts of qada’ and qadar which are often misunderstood untill result in Muslims are trapped in an attitude of fatalism and static.

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