scholarly journals Colonization of the Steppe in the Activities of Representatives of the Kazakh Intelligentsia in the 2nd Half of the 19th – the Beginning of the 20th Centuries

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (8) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
S. A. Abselemov
Keyword(s):  
Professional Identity ◽  
Indigenous Population ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Colonial Discourse ◽  
The Status ◽  
Favorable Conditions ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Leftist Parties ◽  
Written Sources

The article examines the materials of the anti-colonial discourse of the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries, which is based on the ideas of the national intelligentsia of Kazakhstan about the status of the indigenous population of the Steppe Territory in imperial projects and colonization practices. The research of the written sources and activities of the liberal national intelligentsia revealed, that the priority was given to criticism of Russia's imperial policy towards nomadic groups of the population. This paper aims to identify the sociocultural conditions of the formation of the national intelligentsia, as well as the approaches of the early Kazakhstan historiography to the assessment of the factors of the agrarian colonization. As a result, the author found out that implementing the policy of “big Russian nation”, the Russian authorities tried to create the favorable conditions for the natural Russification of the Kazakh elite. The political measures included among the others the involvement in education and management system. Thus the emerging layer of the national intelligentsia actively participated in the imperial activity o intended to study of the colonization fund, jointly with a detachment of state officials – groups with common signs of professional identity. in the second half of the 19th century, in the period of growing popularity of separatist sentiments in Kazakhstan, the national intelligentsia, educated in the European spirit, actively perceived the ideas of Siberian regionalism, and in the early 20th century – radical leftist parties and movements, which strengthened the anti-colonial the focus of their rhetoric.

Reflections on the significance of the Congress of Vienna

1986 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 313-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Langhorne
Keyword(s):  
International Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Foreign Policy ◽  
International Environment ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Foreign Office ◽  
The Status ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
First World

The Final Act of Congress of Vienna was signed on June 9, 1815. More accurately, because of Napoleon's escape and the consequent battle of Waterloo, the Vienna settlement was completed with the signature of the second Treaty of Paris on November 20s 1815. There is thus no doubt that last year marks the 170th anniversary of the settlement. There is equally no doubt that in many ways 1815 has come to seem very remote. There are no great historical arguments in progress about it, nor does it seem to attract any great interest from the students of international relations, unless their attention is actually drawn to it. So it may be as well to remember that the Vienna settlement has generated much more substantial debate at other times. Very soon after its making, it began to be said that the settlement represented a failed attempt to control, at worst, or suppress, at best, the two doctrines that were to be the political foundation of the 19th century: liberalism and nationalism. By the end of the century this attitude had intensified. In any case, the immense social and political changes which were moulding the modern state structure were beginning to create a new kind of international environment in which the ‘unspoken’ as well as deliberate assumptions of 1815 were less relevant. Approved or not, in practical terms, the settlement remained as a basis for the conduct of international politics until 1914, and thus was the obvious point of departure for discussion about the new settlement which would have to be made when the First World War ended. It is not surprising therefore to find that part of the British preparation for the Paris Peace Conference, which were made by the Political Intelligence Department of the Foreign Office, was a study of the Congress of Vienna by C. K. Webster. It is a somewhat routine piece, and his treatment of the subject was much better based and wider ranging in his monumental study of British foreign policy under Lord Castlereagh. It contained, however, one conclusion which may have had an important effect on the way in which the 1919 settlement was arrived at. Webster said that it had been an error on the part of the allies to have permitted the French to be present at Vienna because of the successful attempt by Talleyrand to insert France into the discussions of the other great powers. It has of course been subsequently felt that one of the cardinal respects in which Vienna was more, sensible than Versailles was precisely in that the French were included and became in effect joint guarantors of the agreement. Whether anything fundamental would have been different had the same been done for the Weimar republic is open to question, but there can be no doubt that the circumstances at the time and afterwards would have been greatly easier had the agenda of post-war international politics not had to include the status of Germany as a first item.

scholarly journals Intensifying the Assimilation of Indians in the Сontext of Implementing the Indian Act

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-109
Author(s):  
V. V. Timofeev
Keyword(s):  
First Nations ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Indigenous Population ◽  
Indian Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Scientific Discussion ◽  
Indian Act ◽  
Ethnic Policy ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Military

The article examines the policy of Canadian authorities toward the indigenous population (Indian policy) within the framework of implementing the Indian Act. The analysis concerns the policies from the second half of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th century and the long-lasting effects of those, which remained existential in the second half of the 20th century, the Oka crisis in particular. The literature shows it is necessary to identify the whole range of the factors that determined the implementation of assimilationist policies and to trace the influence they had on subsequent events in the historical perspective. To provide a comprehensive outlook, taking into account such processes as territorial consolidation, colonization and demographic tendencies, the research is based on inductive assumptions. The central assumption why such policies arose is the demographic factor, being the key cause of the inter-racial and inter-ethnic imbalance. This, in turn, provoked the assertive stance taken by the political elites toward the indigenous. It is due to the Anglo-Saxon chauvinism that shaped the attitudes of the Canadian elites and thus became the ideological trend of the late 19th ‒ early 20th century Canada. The Anglo-Canadian nationalists’ intention to ensure the predominance of the Britishness element in the emerging Canadian society is demonstrated to have stemmed from the transatlantic ties with the former metropole. The discriminatory measures taken under the Indian Act that were explored in the text demonstrate that the processes of the Canadian state’s evolution and the ideological tendencies were marred by innate discrimination. The connection between the political measures implemented in the past and the current situation is considered. The Indian policy laid down the foundation for the inter-ethnic tensions that can manifest themselves in modern Canada. The Oka crisis of 1990 serves as the example. The scientific discussion of the effects of the Indian policy and of that particular case that involved the indigenous population and the military was analyzed, and alternative perspectives perceiving the Canadian soldiers as peacekeepers were scrutinized. The dominant scientific position based on criticizing the assimilationist Indian policy, discriminatory measures against the First Nations and ethnic intolerance is concluded to be justified. And therefore the study is politically and historically relevant: it is important to understand that the discriminatory ethnic policy is often integral to the development of seemingly respectable political regimes, which maintains the effects, sometimes hidden, of such discrimination on modern social (dis)integration.

scholarly journals A contemporary Algerian Girl Tells her Story

1970 ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Lebanese American University
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
The 19Th Century

A French colony in the 19th century, Algeria was awakened to the ideas of independence in the early 20th century, particularly after the organization of the FLN (National Liberation Front) in 1930. Women were encouraged to participate in the political struggle but the era of independence did not bring them the liberation they expected.

scholarly journals The Historical Memory of the 1812 War in Lithuania in the 19th and Early 20th Centuries: A Complex Process

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-97
Author(s):  
Virgilijus Pugačiauskas ◽  
Olga Mastianica-Stankevič
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
History Textbooks ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
National Discourse ◽  
Memory Culture ◽  
Younger Generation ◽  
The 19Th Century

In historiography, significant attention to the memory culture of the Napoleonic Wars in Europe focuses on issues relating to the memory culture of the Franco-Russian War of 1812; however, the case of Lithuania is not commonly analysed separately, thus this article discusses how assessments of the 1812 war were maintained in the historical memory in Lithuania. The Russian government offered the population in the lands of the former GDL its official version of the historical memory of the 1812 war (of a heroic battle against an invader), which contradicted the version this population considered as ‘its own’, experienced as their support for Napoleon and the new political and social prospects they believed he would bring. The Russian government’s censorship of written literature suppressed the spread of the people’s ‘own’ local historical memory, yet it did not prove to be so effective due to the population’s very limited opportunities to use the printed word. Communicative memory dominated in the land in the first half of the 19th century, becoming the main source testifying to and passing on to subsequent generations the actual multifaceted experiences of the 1812 war, including the chance of liberation from the yoke of the Russian Empire. In the second half of the 19th century, representatives of local Russian imperial government structures and the local Russian intelligentsia, responding to the 1812 war as a Polish struggle for freedom and a symbol of political independence, explained in academic, educational and popular literature that the hopes of the Poles related to Napoleon were actually unfounded: the French emperor had no intentions of restoring the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth within its historical boundaries, but simply wanted to fill his army units with Polish forces. It was highlighted that this expression of Polish support for Napoleon stopped the Russian imperial government’s potential plans to restore the Poles’ former statehood. This so-called regional narrative which appeared in history textbooks and was used by exacting emotional and visual impact in order to influence the political and cultural provisions of the younger generation had a dual purpose. First, to justify the discriminatory policies against individuals of ‘Polish origins’. Second, to ‘block’ the path for using the 1812 war as a historical argument testifying not just to the common historical past and struggle of Poles and Lithuanians but also their possible political future, which was openly expressed in the Polish national discourse of the early 20th century. Over the course of a hundred years, despite the government’s actions, Poles managed to uphold ‘their own’ historical memory about the 1812 war; its meanings were spread in various forms of media such as fictional literature, museum exhibitions and history textbooks, and were used to shape the political and cultural position of the younger generation. In the Lithuanian national discourse on the other hand, the 1812 war, along with the 1830–1831 and 1863–1864 uprisings, was viewed as a matter concerning the Poles and the Polonised nobility, and it was thus a foreign place of historical memory. The 1812 war and assessments of its potential importance to Lithuanians in the Lithuanian national discourse of the early 20th century were one-off cases and fragmented, while their spread among broader layers of society was limited.

scholarly journals Socio-political ideas in the works of V.V. Rozanov

2020 ◽  
pp. 171-182
Author(s):  
Yu.K. Volkov
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Silver Age ◽  
Analysis And Evaluation ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of

The main content of the monograph by O.E. Puchnina (Sorokopudova) «Political Outlook of V.V. Rozanov» which makes up the main and largest section of the book «Russian socio-political thought in the 19th and early 20th century: V.V. Rozanov» is examined in detail. It is noted that the authors of the serial edition and above all the author-compiler of its monographic section, O.E. Puchnina, managed to bring out in a detailed study of the work of one of the most original Russian thinkers of culture in the Silver Age a whole layer of conceptually related socio-political ideas giving them the status of a political worldview. The methodological basis of the review rests on the methods of analysis and evaluation of the results of the research conducted by the author that are typical of this type of scientific criticism. The assessment of the quality and completeness of the bibliographic description of the sources used in the monograph rests on the resut of the analysis. The degree of influence of biographical themes taken from the biography of V.V. Rozanov on the character of his ideological formation is presented. The features of Rozanov's creative style and method of analysis of socio-political reality highlighted by the author of the monograph are considered and critically evaluated. The political processes and phenomena in relation to which the philosopher formulated his original political ideas are listed. The role and place of V.V. Rozanov's political outlook in the Russian historiography and the history of the Russian socio-political tradition are shown. The argument of the thesis about the typicality of Rozanov's unique creativity for the Russian consciousness in the late 19th‒ early 20th century is partially supported. It is concluded that despite the critical remarks that were expressed in the article, O.E. Puchnina's innovative experiment of an ideological reconstruction of Rozanov’s socio-political ideas should be recognized as very successful.

scholarly journals The Concept of the millet in Turkish dictionaries: Its alteration and the impact on Ottoman Macedonia

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 171-192
Author(s):  
Maria Pandevska ◽  
Makedonka Mitrova
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Different Cultures ◽  
The Impact

In the 19th century the dictionaries/glossaries represent the first brace which connected different cultures and languages, thus also linking the Orient with the Occident and vice versa. In this context the research is focused on the Turkish dictionaries/glossaries, which for a long time actually represented one of the basic media of transmitting the new Western ideas in the East, and in our case, in the Ottoman Empire. Through the short comparative analyses of these dictionaries/glossaries and their authors (from the 19th century and early 20th century) we follow the change of the cognitive concept of the term millet with the term nation. The case study is focused on Ottoman Macedonia and on the political implications caused by this change of the meaning of the Ottoman term millet.

scholarly journals Tudományágak a szakosodás és a populáris kultúra határán

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-3.) ◽  
pp. 95-110
Author(s):  
Edina Kicsindi
Keyword(s):  
Public Interest ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
Official Journal ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Financial Security ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Geographical Society ◽  
Scientific Associations ◽  
The 19Th Century

Scientific associations that still exist today were founded all across Europe since the middle of the 19th century. Magyar Földrajzi Társulat (Hungarian Geographical Society; now: Magyar Földrajzi Társaság) was created in 1872, Magyarországi Néprajzi Társaság (Hungarian Ethnographical Society; now: Magyar Néprajzi Társaság) in 1889; but they were different from today’s similar organizations in their basic goals, tasks and their membership as well. These associations were “hybrids” of sorts: they possessed both a scientific side and a science-popularizing side that aimed for a large number of members for financial security. The Hungarian Geographical Society used the huge public interest surrounding the exploration of Africa better: inviting explorers returning from Africa, public readings and regular news based on foreign associations’ publications served undoubtedly the above mentioned popularizing purpose. However the geographers of the early 20th century voiced harsh critiques against the sensationalism of the Hungarian Geographical Society. At the same time Hungarian geography as a science was not lagging behind that of Western Europe at the time of the explorations. 1870-1880 were the decades of Central African exploration, and the main focus of Western European geographical publications and events as well. The official journal of the Hungarian Ethnographical Society, Ethnographia containing much fewer Africa-centric publications is partly due to the Association having been created at the end of the explorations. However, while Földrajzi Közlemények (the official journal of the Hungarian Geographical Society) followed the political movements of Europe in Africa between 1890 and 1900, even though the time of explorations was over, Ethnographia distanced itself from these in favour for more professional content. Földrajzi Közlemények and Hungarian geography in general only followed suit after 1900.

Women in Power and Decision making Positions : Conditions and Restraints

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Policies And Procedures ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Slow Progress

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!

Orthodox arrangement of the Pochaiv Lavra in the second third of the XIX century.

2021 ◽  
pp. 13-41
Author(s):  
Ella Volodymyrivna Bystrytska
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Political Motivation ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Xix Century

Abstract: A series of imperial decrees of the 1820s ordering the establishment of a Greco-Uniate Theological Collegium and appropriate consistories contributed to the spread of the autocratic synodal system of government and the establishment of control over Greek Uniate church institutions in the annexed territories of Right-Bank Ukraine. As a result, the Greco-Uniate Church was put on hold in favor of the government's favorable grounds for the rapid localization of its activities. Basilian accusations of supporting the Polish November Uprising of 1830-1831 made it possible to liquidate the OSBM and most monasteries. The transfer of the Pochaiv Monastery to the ownership of the Orthodox clergy in 1831 was a milestone in the liquidation of the Greco-Uniate Church and the establishment of a Russian-style Orthodox mono-confessionalism. On the basis of archival documents, the political motivation of the emperor's decree to confiscate the Pochayiv Monastery from the Basilians with all its property and capital was confirmed. The transfer to the category of monasteries of the 1st class and the granting of the status of a lavra indicated its special role in strengthening the position of the autocracy in the western region of the Russian Empire. The orders of the Holy Synod outline the key tasks of ensuring the viability of the Lavra as an Orthodox religious center: the introduction of continuous worship, strengthening the personal composition of the population, delimitation of spiritual responsibilities, clarifying the affiliation of the printing house. However, maintaining the rhythm of worship and financial and economic activities established by the Basilians proved to be a difficult task, the solution of which required ten years of hard work. In order to make quick changes in the monastery, decisions were made by the emperor and senior government officials, and government agencies were involved at the local level, which required the coordination of actions of all parties to the process.

The Concept of “Zemsky Sobor” in the Interpretation of State Authority in Russia of the 19th Century: From Karamzin to Stepnyak-Kravchinsky

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Badalyan
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Key Concepts ◽  
State Authority ◽  
The 19Th Century

“Zemsky Sobor” was one of the key concepts in Russian political discourse in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. It can be traced to the notion well-known already since the 17th century. Still in the course of further evolution it received various mew meaning and connotations in the discourse of different political trends. The author of the article examines various stages of this concept configuring in the works of the Decembrists, especially Slavophiles, and then in the political projects and publications of the socialists, liberals and “aristocratic” opposition.

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