scholarly journals Demise and Ascent

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
Todd Holmes
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Primary Research ◽  
The Real ◽  
Political Perspective ◽  
Real Change ◽  
The 1960S

This essay examines California Republican Senator Thomas Kuchel in honor of his 101 birthday this August, tracing Kuchel's fight against the conservative Right during the 1960s. More specifically, the essay highlights Kuchel as the last vestige of California's progressive Republicans and his effort to protect the GOP from right-wing corrosion and the likes of Nixon, Goldwater, George Murphy, and especially Ronald Reagan. Ultimately it was this effort that united the corporate conservatives of Reaganism to oust the 32 year political veteran in 1968. Based on periodicals and primary research conducted in the political papers of Thomas Kuchel, Barry Goldwater, and Alan Cranston, the essay posits that remembering Kuchel will push us to reflect on the real change of the Republican Party under Reaganism, both nationally and in California. With no biographies written and his own centennial overshadowed by the political pageantry of Reagan's, remembering Thomas Kuchel offers an important and much needed political perspective.

Religious Non-Affiliation

2021 ◽  
pp. 172-193
Author(s):  
William V. Trollinger
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
Christian Right ◽  
Past Century ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
Conservative Politics ◽  
The Past ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Political Success

For the past century, the bulk of white evangelicalism has been tightly linked to very conservative politics. But in response to social and cultural changes in the 1960s and 1970s, conservative white evangelicalism organized itself into the Christian Right, in the process attaching itself to and making itself indispensable to the Republican Party. While the Christian Right has enjoyed significant political success, its fusion of evangelicalism/Christianity with right-wing politics—which includes white nationalism, hostility to immigrants, unfettered capitalism, and intense homophobia—has driven many Americans (particularly, young Americans) to disaffiliate from religion altogether. In fact, the quantitative and qualitative evidence make it clear that the Christian Right has been a (perhaps the) primary reason for the remarkable rise of the religious “nones” in the past three decades. More than this, the Christian Right is, in itself, a sign of secularization.

Letter from America: President Bush’s Foreign Policy

1990 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-230
Author(s):  
Mark Blitz
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Business School ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chief Executives ◽  
Clear Sense ◽  
Strategic Intelligence ◽  
Political Perspective ◽  
President Bush

CRITICS ONCE ACCUSED PRESIDENT BUSH OF LACKING VISION. Why anyone would want a visionary's hand twitching over the nuclear button is, however, most unclear. Our recent visionaries — Marxist, Islamic and Nazi — do not inspire confidence in human justice and intellect. Actually, the ‘vision’ that people apparently had in mind is the limited kind that business school professors say chief executives must impart to their companies. More appropriately, ‘vision’ means a clear sense of where one is leading people and also every evidence that the leader believes that the destination is good, and that he and his followers will arrive there. Ronald Reagan had such vision in abundance: from the political perspective, ‘vision’ is the part of statesmanship composed primarily of persuasive charm in the service of a degree of strategic intelligence.

scholarly journals Krzysztof Kieślowski's Art of Film

1997 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tadeusz Miczka
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Living Standards ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Pressure ◽  
The Real ◽  
The World ◽  
Real Socialism ◽  
Party Activists ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Polish Culture

"WE LIVE IN THE WORLD LACKING IDEA ON ITSELF: KRZYSZTOF KIEŚLOWSKI's ART OF FILM" OUR "little stabilization" -- this ironic phrase by Tadeusz Różewicz, the poet and playwright, rightly characterized the low living standards of Poles and the state of apathy of the society in the 1960s. It also reflected well the situation of the Polish culture which, at that time, was put under strong political pressure and, except for very few instances, half- truths and newspeak replaced the clear dichotomy of truth and falsity. However, it finds its strongest expression if seen against the background of the Polish cinema of that time, since the cinema was, so to say, the "light in the eyes" of the Workers' Party activists devoutly building the 'real socialism' state. After the period of the political thaw which, among other things, brought to life artistically courageous works of the 'Polish film school', the...

10. Realist criminology and victims

2021 ◽  
pp. 209-227
Author(s):  
Stephen Jones
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Political Background ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Realist Criminology

This chapter focuses on realist criminology, a phenomenon that appeared under different names in Britain and the USA during the 1980s. Just as with the re-emergence of interactionism and the development of the ‘new criminologies’ in the 1960s, realist criminology owes much to the political background of the day: what is sometimes referred to as the ‘Reagan–Thatcher Decade’, with right-wing governments in both countries. In such a climate, it is hardly surprising that little interest was shown in considerations of why people commit crimes, but great interest was shown in doing something about it. Out of this, two ‘realisms’ have emerged: a ‘Right Realism’ and a ‘Left Realism’.

The Politics of Party Renewal: The “Service Party” and the Origins of the Post-Goldwater Republican Right

2013 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian M. Conley
Keyword(s):  
Significant Role ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Service ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Social Turmoil

The rise of the Republican Right in the 1960s reshaped not only the politics of the Republican Party, but ultimately that of the country as well. What had started as an improbable movement to draft Goldwater for president in 1964 emerged, amid the political and social turmoil of the decade, as the dominant force within the Republican Party. But what has not received as much attention is the significant role that the national Republican Party leadership and the emphasis it placed on party renewal, rather than reform, played in the Right's rapid post-Goldwater ascent. This article examines how the process of party renewal, specifically the emergence of a national “service party” structure, helped not only to unify the GOP after the 1964 Goldwater loss, but also led to the development of a more conservative Republican Party during the second half of the 1960s.

The Loser

2019 ◽  
pp. 15-28
Author(s):  
Aram Goudsouzian
Keyword(s):  
Vietnam War ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Grassroots Politics ◽  
Richard Nixon ◽  
The Vietnam War ◽  
Urban Disorder ◽  
At Home

Chapter Two charts the political odyssey of Richard Nixon through the primary season in the spring of 1968. It traces how he consciously tacks between the moderate wing of the Republican Party and right-wing grassroots politics. After getting labelled a political “loser,” he crafts a comeback over the course of the mid-1960s, positioning himself as the inevitable nominee in 1968. His campaign thrives as it plays on voter anxieties about urban disorder at home, and the Vietnam War abroad.

The Insider Route in Wisconsin

2020 ◽  
pp. 81-98
Author(s):  
Marc Dixon
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Labor Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Municipal Employees ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

This chapter traces the development of the first statewide public-sector collective bargaining legislation in Wisconsin in 1959 and the campaign waged by municipal employees there. The case for public-sector rights lacked the fanfare of the campaigns in Indiana and Ohio, though it was clearly shaped by the political winds surrounding these efforts. Well before the upsurge of civil rights–inspired public-sector organizing in the 1960s and 1970s, bargaining rights in Wisconsin were rooted in the 1950s fights over labor rights. The success of the public-sector union campaign in Wisconsin is mostly a story of political opportunity. It was after more than a decade of public-sector advocates organizing and introducing bills in the legislature, and after the overreach of business activists on right-to-work in the region, that dissension within the Republican Party and between party leaders and business circles provided the opening that activists needed.

10. Realist criminology and victims

Criminology ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Jones
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Political Background ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Realist Criminology

This chapter focuses on realist criminology, a phenomenon that appeared under different names in Britain and the USA during the 1980s. Just as with the re-emergence of interactionism and the development of the ‘new criminologies’ in the 1960s, realist criminology owes much to the political background of the day: what is sometimes referred to as the ‘Reagan–Thatcher Decade’, with right-wing governments in both countries. In such a climate, it is hardly surprising that little interest was shown in considerations of why people commit crimes, but great interest was shown in doing something about it. Out of this, two ‘realisms’ have emerged: a ‘Right Realism’ and a ‘Left Realism’.

Asymmetry in the Political System: Occasional Activists in the Republican and Democratic Parties, 1956–1964

1971 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 716-730 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Nexon
Keyword(s):  
Survey Research ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
High Participation ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
Public Opinion Polls ◽  
Opinion Polls

By means of the Survey Research Center's national public opinion polls of the electorate during the 1956, 1960, and 1964 elections, the opinions of volunteer activists in the Republican and Democratic Parties were compared to those of rank and file members. On issues that divided rank and file Republicans from rank and file Democrats, Republican activists were found to be far more conservative than ordinary Republicans. Democratic activists, however, had about the same distribution of opinion as rank and file members of their party. Moreover, Republicans were proportionately far more active than Democrats. It was inferred from these findings that the two parties were different kinds of organizations. The Republican Party, it was argued, was a high participation party with an amateur base composed of right wing ideologues, while the Democratic Party was a low participation party with a professionalized base not dependent on ideological incentives to activism.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

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