The Politics of Party Renewal: The “Service Party” and the Origins of the Post-Goldwater Republican Right

2013 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian M. Conley
Keyword(s):  
Significant Role ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Service ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Social Turmoil

The rise of the Republican Right in the 1960s reshaped not only the politics of the Republican Party, but ultimately that of the country as well. What had started as an improbable movement to draft Goldwater for president in 1964 emerged, amid the political and social turmoil of the decade, as the dominant force within the Republican Party. But what has not received as much attention is the significant role that the national Republican Party leadership and the emphasis it placed on party renewal, rather than reform, played in the Right's rapid post-Goldwater ascent. This article examines how the process of party renewal, specifically the emergence of a national “service party” structure, helped not only to unify the GOP after the 1964 Goldwater loss, but also led to the development of a more conservative Republican Party during the second half of the 1960s.

scholarly journals “I Was Going to Build a new Republican Party and a New Majority”: Richard Nixon as Party Leader, 1969–73

2005 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 463-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT MASON
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
White House ◽  
Richard Nixon ◽  
Modern Era

Richard Nixon gained a poor reputation as President for his work as leader of the Republican Party. His attitude towards the party was seen as neglectful at best, destructive at worst. It was clear that Nixon revelled in the details of electoral politics as far as his own position was concerned, but it seemed equally clear that he had little concern for the political fortunes of his party at large. Among the most partisan of American politicians during his earlier career, Nixon seemed to shrug off this partisan past when he reached the White House in 1969. But this understanding of Nixon's relationship with the Republican Party is in some respects misleading. Although it is true that his record provides significant examples of presidential neglect of the party, it also contains equally significant examples of presidential concern about the party's future. Few American Presidents of the modern era paid much attention to their responsibility for party leadership, so the nature of Nixon's support for the Republicans distinguishes him as a party leader of notable strength rather than notable weakness.

scholarly journals Demise and Ascent

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
Todd Holmes
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Primary Research ◽  
The Real ◽  
Political Perspective ◽  
Real Change ◽  
The 1960S

This essay examines California Republican Senator Thomas Kuchel in honor of his 101 birthday this August, tracing Kuchel's fight against the conservative Right during the 1960s. More specifically, the essay highlights Kuchel as the last vestige of California's progressive Republicans and his effort to protect the GOP from right-wing corrosion and the likes of Nixon, Goldwater, George Murphy, and especially Ronald Reagan. Ultimately it was this effort that united the corporate conservatives of Reaganism to oust the 32 year political veteran in 1968. Based on periodicals and primary research conducted in the political papers of Thomas Kuchel, Barry Goldwater, and Alan Cranston, the essay posits that remembering Kuchel will push us to reflect on the real change of the Republican Party under Reaganism, both nationally and in California. With no biographies written and his own centennial overshadowed by the political pageantry of Reagan's, remembering Thomas Kuchel offers an important and much needed political perspective.

The Insider Route in Wisconsin

2020 ◽  
pp. 81-98
Author(s):  
Marc Dixon
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Labor Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Municipal Employees ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

This chapter traces the development of the first statewide public-sector collective bargaining legislation in Wisconsin in 1959 and the campaign waged by municipal employees there. The case for public-sector rights lacked the fanfare of the campaigns in Indiana and Ohio, though it was clearly shaped by the political winds surrounding these efforts. Well before the upsurge of civil rights–inspired public-sector organizing in the 1960s and 1970s, bargaining rights in Wisconsin were rooted in the 1950s fights over labor rights. The success of the public-sector union campaign in Wisconsin is mostly a story of political opportunity. It was after more than a decade of public-sector advocates organizing and introducing bills in the legislature, and after the overreach of business activists on right-to-work in the region, that dissension within the Republican Party and between party leaders and business circles provided the opening that activists needed.

The Fragmentation of the Palestinian Political Field

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 189-216
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal
Keyword(s):  
Women Workers ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Cultural Field ◽  
National Representation ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Palestinian National Movement ◽  
The Relationship

The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government’s support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.

Arte ConTexto

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Pictorial Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.

Having Their Say, Leaving Their Mark

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-153
Author(s):  
Adolphus G. Belk ◽  
Robert C. Smith ◽  
Sherri L. Wallace
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civic Engagement ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Black People ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Documents ◽  
Adverse Conditions ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Independent Organization

In general, the founders of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists were “movement people.” Powerful agents of socialization such as the uprisings of the 1960s molded them into scholars with tremendous resolve to tackle systemic inequalities in the political science discipline. In forming NCOBPS as an independent organization, many sought to develop a Black perspective in political science to push the boundaries of knowledge and to use that scholarship to ameliorate the adverse conditions confronting Black people in the United States and around the globe. This paper utilizes historical documents, speeches, interviews, and other scholarly works to detail the lasting contributions of the founders and Black political scientists to the discipline, paying particular attention to their scholarship, teaching, mentoring, and civic engagement. It finds that while political science is much improved as a result of their efforts, there is still work to do if their goals are to be achieved.

NCOBPS Fifty Years

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-135
Author(s):  
William J. Daniels
Keyword(s):  
Predominantly White ◽  
Black Student ◽  
Personal Narrative ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Predominantly White Institution ◽  
Significant Events ◽  
White Institution ◽  
The 1960S

This personal narrative recounts the experiences of an NCOBPS founder, who discusses significant events in his life from student to faculty that motivated his professional journey, including his participation in the founding of NCOBPS. It reflects on what it meant to be a black student, and later, a black faculty member teaching at a predominantly white institution in the political science discipline in the 1960s. It also provides a glimpse into how the freedom movements shaped his fight for fundamental rights as a citizen. Finally, it gives credence to the importance of independent black organizations as agents for political protest and vehicles for economic and social justice.

State-run celebration of Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia (based on audiovisual sources)

2019 ◽  
pp. 251-268
Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Experience ◽  
History Of ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.

The Nazarean Legacy

1998 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Ataullah Bogdan Kopanski
Keyword(s):  
East Africa ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
Pure Water ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Barren Land

After Pompey Magnus’s conquest of the Hellenistic East in 64 B.c., theRoman administrators of Asia Occidentalis divided the Arabian peninsulainto three realms: Arabia Petraea (Rocky Arabia), which stretchedfrom Greater Syria to the Gulf of Ayala (Aqaba), and whose capital inPetra (the Rock) was carved out by the Nabateans from sandstone on theslopes of Ain Musa; Arabia Deserta (desert Arabia) with Bostra (Busra)as the commercial capital in Hawran; and Arabia Felix (happy Arabia)or Yemen with the capital city of Mariaba (Ma’rib). Arabia Petraea,despite its wilderness, played a significant role in the political life of theempire.’ Because of the natural supply of pure water in the barren land,it was a midpoint on the ancient caravan route from Hadramaut to Egyptand Syria. A variety of goods-the myrrh and frankincense of theSabaean Arabia Felix, ivory, gold, and slaves of East Africa, spices,gems, and precious wood of India- were transported via Petra andGerasa (Jerash) to Damascus, Alexandria, and Rome. In Arabia Petraea,the Prophet Yusuf was cast into a well by his brothers from which he wasfound and brought to Egypt, where he was sold. Many readers of theBible believe that Ain Musa near Petra is the spring that the ProphetMusa caused to gush forth. In the time of the Prophet Sulayman, ArabiaPetraea was populated by the semitic tribes of Edom and Moab. Duringthe rule of the Babylonian Nabuchadnezzar who sacked Jerusalem in 587B.c. and deported Judean rebels to Babylon, the Edomites established akingdom of Sela in the land of Seir. But at the end of the sixth centuryB.c., the Nabateans forced them to migrate to Idumea. Under theNabatean rule, Petra was recognized as the ancient “duty-fire” city. TheNabatean desert kingdom survived as an independent state until the ...

Language Movement and Civil War in West Africa

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ericka A. Albaugh
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Sierra Leone ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Language Spread ◽  
The 1960S

This chapter examines how civil war can influence the spread of language. Specifically, it takes Sierra Leone as a case study to demonstrate how Krio grew from being primarily a language of urban areas in the 1960s to one spoken by most of the population in the 2000s. While some of this was due to “normal” factors such as population movement and growing urbanization, the civil war from 1991 to 2002 certainly catalyzed the process of language spread in the 1990s. Using census documents and surveys, the chapter tests the hypothesis at the national, regional, and individual levels. The spread of a language has political consequences, as it allows for citizen participation in the political process. It is an example of political scientists’ approach to uncovering the mechanisms for and evidence of language movement in Africa.

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