From Privacy to Lesbian Visibility

Author(s):  
Elisabeth Jay Friedman

This chapter shows how Latin American lesbian feminist internet practices reflect their own circumstances and values. These have led them to focus their internet-based counterpublic work on privacy and visibility. They need a place for their private life, where they can find each other and build community away from the threat of violence and rejection that still, despite significant changes in their legal status, characterizes their daily existence. Yet they also need support for visibilidad lesbica, lesbian visibility, to confront exclusion, bringing the fact of their existence and their demands for the worlds in which they want to live to larger publics. In doing so, they have also reinterpreted internet applications towards their own ends, such as through the innovative project of a blog-based archive of lesbian history.

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 201-215
Author(s):  
Tania P. Hernández-Hernández

Throughout the nineteenth century, European booksellers and publishers, mostly from France, England, Germany and Spain, produced textual materials in Europe and introduced them into Mexico and other Latin American countries. These transatlantic interchanges unfolded against the backdrop of the emergence of the international legal system to protect translation rights and required the involvement of a complex network of agents who carried with them publishing, translating and negotiating practices, in addition to books, pamphlets, prints and other goods. Tracing the trajectories of translated books and the socio-cultural, economic and legal forces shaping them, this article examines the legal battle over the translation and publishing rights of Les Leçons de chimie élémentaire, a chemistry book authored by Jean Girardin and translated and published in Spanish by Jean-Frédéric Rosa. Drawing on a socio-historical approach to translation, I argue that the arguments presented by both parties are indicative of the uncertainty surrounding the legal status of translated texts and of the different values then attributed to translation.


Author(s):  
Alexandra Délano Alonso

This chapter demonstrates how Latin American governments with large populations of migrants with precarious legal status in the United States are working together to promote policies focusing on their well-being and integration. It identifies the context in which these processes of policy diffusion and collaboration have taken place as well as their limitations. Notwithstanding the differences in capacities and motivations based on the domestic political and economic contexts, there is a convergence of practices and policies of diaspora engagement among Latin American countries driven by the common challenges faced by their migrant populations in the United States and by the Latino population more generally. These policies, framed as an issue of rights protection and the promotion of migrants’ well-being, are presented as a form of regional solidarity and unity, and are also mobilized by the Mexican government as a political instrument serving its foreign policy goals.


2021 ◽  
pp. 109019812110192
Author(s):  
Francisco Perez-Dominguez ◽  
Francisca Polanco-Ilabaca ◽  
Fernanda Pinto-Toledo ◽  
Daniel Michaeli ◽  
Jadi Achiardi ◽  
...  

The global pandemic caused by coronavirus disease-2019 (COVID-19) disrupted both public and private life for many. Concerning medical students, practical teaching and classrooms were substituted with a virtual curriculum. However, how this new academic environment has affected students’ health and lifestyles has yet to be studied. In this study, we surveyed 2,776 students from nine different countries about changes in their university curricula and potential alterations in their daily habits, physical health, and psychological status. We found negative changes across all countries studied, in multiple categories. We found that 99% of respondents indicated changes in their instruction delivery system, with 90% stating a transition to online education, and 93% stating a reduction or suspension of their practical activities. On average, students spent 8.7 hours a day in front of a screen, with significant differences among countries. Students reported worsened studying, sleeping, and eating habits with substantial differences in Latin American countries. Finally, the participants frequently expressed onset and increase in both mental and physical health symptoms: backache, asthenopia, irritability, and emotional instability. Altogether, these results suggest a potential risk in the health and academic performance of future doctors if these new academic modalities are maintained.


2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yen-Pin Su

While many studies of party system nationalization examine the effects of various institutional factors, few take into account the impact of party formation cost. This paper aims to fill the empirical gap by focusing on the interactive effect of electoral systems and party registration rules. I argue that the effect of electoral systems on party system nationalization is conditional on spatial registration rules, a requirement that requires a party to collect signatures or organize local branches in a specified geographical manner to maintain the party’s legal status. Based on data for 97 legislative elections in 18 Latin American countries from 1978 to 2011, the empirical analysis demonstrates that a country with an electoral system that encourages a personal vote tends to have a much lower level of party system nationalization when that country does not have spatial registration requirements. The result is robust across different model specifications and estimation techniques.


2020 ◽  
Vol 117 (16) ◽  
pp. 8836-8844 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asad L. Asad

Deportation has become more commonplace in the United States since the mid-2000s. Latin American noncitizens—encompassing undocumented and documented immigrants—are targeted for deportation. Deportation’s threat also reaches naturalized and US-born citizens of Latino descent who are largely immune to deportation but whose loved ones or communities are deportable. Drawing on 6 y of data from the National Survey of Latinos, this article examines whether and how Latinos’ deportation fears vary by citizenship and legal status and over time. Compared with Latino noncitizens, Latino US citizens report lower average deportation fears. However, a more complex story emerges when examining this divide over time: Deportation fears are high but stable among Latino noncitizens, whereas deportation fears have increased substantially among Latino US citizens. These trends reflect a growing national awareness of—rather than observable changes to—deportation policy and practice since the 2016 US presidential election. The article highlights how deportation or its consequences affects a racial group that the US immigration regime targets disproportionately.


2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henriette Roscam Abbing

Abstract The right to healthcare applies regardless of a person’s legal status. Prisoners have a right to a healthcare equivalent to the one in the community at large: access to medical care and preventive measures of good quality and costs covered. States have a positive duty to provide for appropriate healthcare in prison, including harm reduction policies (for instance health screening, vaccination and needle exchange). Denial of access to appropriate health facilities to prisoners and other detainees is likely to result in bodily harm, unnecessary morbidity and avoidable death. Essential elements of the social right to care for the health of prisoners are protected through the positive obligations individual human rights impose on States (e.g., the right to life, the prohibition of torture, degrading treatment and punishment, the right to liberty and the right to private life). Health related human rights standards for prison healthcare have been formulated over worldwide and in Europe. The Council of Europe’s Committee of Prevention of Torture monitors the situation of prisoners in Member States. Still, healthcare for prisoners falls short of what is required. Prison healthcare is an essential part of public health. A major involvement of the Minister of Health is indispensable.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry Redin

The intensive development of metallurgy in the Urals in the 1720s is closely associated with the construction of Yekaterinburg, which became not only the largest and most diversified metallurgical plant city in Russia, but also the administrative centre of the mining industry in the east of the empire. The construction of the city under the leadership of an outstanding specialist and personal representative of Peter the Great, Georg Wilhelm de Gennin (Wilim Ivanovich Gennin), took into account the latest Western trends in industrial and fortification architecture. This affected the spatial planning and functional zoning of this mining city. It also had an important impact on its social organisation. A striking feature of Yekaterinburg was the high concentration of immigrants from European countries. Foreign nationals worked in the local administration and held a majority among the officers who commanded army units during the construction of the plant city. Also, the first doctors, the founders of the medical service in the Urals, were non-Russian. However, most specialists dealt with metallurgy and mining. Yekaterinburg became both their place of residence and a staging post on their way to other factories and mines in the region. The contribution of these people to the formation and development of the industry in the region can hardly be overestimated. Nevertheless, there is still no special comprehensive study of this population category in early Yekaterinburg. This article is an attempt to consider the history of foreign immigrants as a social whole in Yekaterinburg society during the first decade of its existence. The author identifies their features and the factors that promoted and hindered intra-community integration, concluding that by the end of the first decade of Yekaterinburg’s life, it had failed to form an influential and relatively homogeneous colony of foreign nationals: their number had noticeably decreased compared to the 1720s. The formation of a full-fledged community was hampered by marked differences in the legal status of foreigners and a lack of corporate privileges. Other factors were a minimised sphere of private life (which made it impossible for them to create stable internal organisation) and internal professional competition. However, the most important thing was high geographic mobility, which gave rise to quantitative and qualitative instability in the community.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asad L. Asad

Deportation has become more commonplace in the United States since the mid-2000s. Latin American noncitizens—encompassing undocumented and documented immigrants—are targeted for deportation. Deportation’s threat also reaches naturalized and US-born citizens of Latino descent who are largely immune to deportation but whose loved ones or communities are deportable. Drawing on 6 y of data from the National Survey of Latinos, this article examines whether and how Latinos’ deportation fears vary by citizenship and legal status and over time. Compared with Latino noncitizens, Latino US citizens report lower average deportation fears. However, a more complex story emerges when examining this divide over time: Deportation fears are high but stable among Latino noncitizens, whereas deportation fears have increased substantially among Latino US citizens. These trends reflect a growing national awareness of—rather than observable changes to—deportation policy and practice since the 2016 US presidential election. The article highlights how deportation or its consequences affects a racial group that the US immigration regime targets disproportionately.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 92
Author(s):  
Mónica González GARCÍA

Fundadora del llamado segundo feminismo histórico chileno, la obra de Julieta Kirkwood presenta una intensa trayectoria por espacios que incluyen el ejercicio académico y el activismo político, buscando establecer un diálogo entre las prácticas democráticas que la sociedad civil luchaba por recuperar en el contexto de la dictadura militar de Augusto Pinochet (1973-1990) y el respeto a los derechos de las mujeres tanto en la vida pública como en la privada. Para Kirkwood, el mejoramiento de la situación de las mujeres era una dimensión ineludible de la recuperación de la democracia, razón por la cual afirmó que “el feminismo enriquece y contribuye a quitar el carácter restrictivo al concepto de liberación social y política, haciéndolo extensivo a las mujeres como grupo específico, y respecto de las cuales bajo enfoques más globales de interpretación histórica, se planteaban formas muy difusas... de ‘emancipación femenina’”. En este trabajo analizo la reflexión feminista elaborada por Julieta Kirkwood en relación al proceso de redemocratización chileno y a la producción y difusión de un conocimiento feminista como tarea crucial para la creación de un nuevo tipo de ciudadanía para mujeres y hombres. Específicamente, reviso los cuadernos de discusión académica que publica en la FLACSO (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) de Santiago durante la década de 1980, así como las obras póstumas Feminarios (1987) y Tejiendo rebeldías (1987), con el objetivo de determinar las estrategias epistémicas con las que buscó interrumpir el debate (masculino) sobre la democracia e introducir el feminismo como eje fundamental para una mejor convivencia de todos los chilenos.Julieta Kirkwood, Re-democratización. Chile"There is no democracy without feminism": Julieta Kirkwood, feminist theory and teaching for a new social contract in ChileAbstractFounder of the so-called second historic feminism in Chile, Julieta Kirkwood’s trajectory encompassed academic and political work with the aim of establishing a dialogue between the democratic practices civil society struggled to recover during Augusto Pinochet’s military dictatorship (1973-1990), and the respect for the rights of women in both public and private life. The improvement of women’s situation in the country was, for Kirkwood, an ineludible dimension of the return to democracy, a context in which she believed “feminism contribute[d] to remove the restrictive connotation of social and political liberation as it was understood by global frames of historical interpretation, by making it extensive to women as a specific group and regarding to whom there ha[d] only existed diffuse ideas… for a ‘feminine emancipation’”. In this essay I analize the feminist thought elaborated by Julieta Kirkwood in relation to the redemocratization process in Chile and the production and dissemination of feminist knowledge as a crucial task for creating a new type of citizenship for women and men. I am specifically looking at the notebooks she published at FLACSO (Latin American School of Social Sciences) in Santiago during the 1980s, as well as to her posthumous works Feminarios (1987) and Tejiendo rebeldías (1987), in order to determine her epistemic strategies to interrupt the (male) debate on democracy and to introduce feminism as a fundamental axis for a better coexistence of all Chileans.Julieta Kirkwood’s, Redemocratization. Chile


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos M. Vilas

As I get older I give more importance to continuities, and try to discover them under the appearances of change and mutation. And I have reached the conclusion that there is only one great continuity: that of blood.Class structure never entirely displaces other criteria and forms of differentiation and hierarchy (e.g. ethnicity, gender, lineage) in the constitution of social identities and in prompting collective action. Class as a concept and as a point of reference is linked to these other criteria; often it is subsumed in them, thus contributing to the definition of the different groups' forms of expression and of their insertion into the social totality. But class does not eliminate these other criteria nor the identities deriving from them, nor can it preclude the relative autonomy derived from their specificity, as they define loyalties and oppositions which frequently cross over class boundaries. The relevance of these criteria in Latin America is even greater since the society's class profile is less sharply defined because of the lower level of development of market relations and urban industrial capitalism.Several studies have pointed to the importance of ruling families in shaping the socio-economic structure of Latin American countries, their political institutions and their cultural life. Prominent families have been considered the axis of Latin America's history from the last part of the colonial period until the beginnings of the present century – and until even more recently in some countries. Interestingly enough, these historical studies have contributed to a better understanding of one of the features most frequently discussed in today's sociological studies of Latin America: the weak or inchoate differentiation between public and private life and between collective and individual action.


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