Family Affairs: Class, Lineage and Politics in Contemporary Nicaragua

1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos M. Vilas

As I get older I give more importance to continuities, and try to discover them under the appearances of change and mutation. And I have reached the conclusion that there is only one great continuity: that of blood.Class structure never entirely displaces other criteria and forms of differentiation and hierarchy (e.g. ethnicity, gender, lineage) in the constitution of social identities and in prompting collective action. Class as a concept and as a point of reference is linked to these other criteria; often it is subsumed in them, thus contributing to the definition of the different groups' forms of expression and of their insertion into the social totality. But class does not eliminate these other criteria nor the identities deriving from them, nor can it preclude the relative autonomy derived from their specificity, as they define loyalties and oppositions which frequently cross over class boundaries. The relevance of these criteria in Latin America is even greater since the society's class profile is less sharply defined because of the lower level of development of market relations and urban industrial capitalism.Several studies have pointed to the importance of ruling families in shaping the socio-economic structure of Latin American countries, their political institutions and their cultural life. Prominent families have been considered the axis of Latin America's history from the last part of the colonial period until the beginnings of the present century – and until even more recently in some countries. Interestingly enough, these historical studies have contributed to a better understanding of one of the features most frequently discussed in today's sociological studies of Latin America: the weak or inchoate differentiation between public and private life and between collective and individual action.

2021 ◽  
pp. 109019812110192
Author(s):  
Francisco Perez-Dominguez ◽  
Francisca Polanco-Ilabaca ◽  
Fernanda Pinto-Toledo ◽  
Daniel Michaeli ◽  
Jadi Achiardi ◽  
...  

The global pandemic caused by coronavirus disease-2019 (COVID-19) disrupted both public and private life for many. Concerning medical students, practical teaching and classrooms were substituted with a virtual curriculum. However, how this new academic environment has affected students’ health and lifestyles has yet to be studied. In this study, we surveyed 2,776 students from nine different countries about changes in their university curricula and potential alterations in their daily habits, physical health, and psychological status. We found negative changes across all countries studied, in multiple categories. We found that 99% of respondents indicated changes in their instruction delivery system, with 90% stating a transition to online education, and 93% stating a reduction or suspension of their practical activities. On average, students spent 8.7 hours a day in front of a screen, with significant differences among countries. Students reported worsened studying, sleeping, and eating habits with substantial differences in Latin American countries. Finally, the participants frequently expressed onset and increase in both mental and physical health symptoms: backache, asthenopia, irritability, and emotional instability. Altogether, these results suggest a potential risk in the health and academic performance of future doctors if these new academic modalities are maintained.


2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (S1) ◽  
pp. 169-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
DIANA TUSSIE

AbstractThe breakdown of the North-South, East-West governing principles, and the removal of superpower overlay have led to an increasingly decentralised system setting the stage for the so called new geography of trade and the reconfiguration of political – diplomatic strategies. Such strategies now include contestation, articulation, competitive liberalisation, ample inter-state coalition building such as the G-20, G-33, G-90 in the Doha Round and the proliferation of regional and wider ranging preferential arrangements. Regionalism is both policy and project. Agreements vary widely in motivation, form, coverage and content. It is very often the case that, as in multilateral institutions, one major actor sets the agenda at the regional level with the view not only of constructing and retaining power at that level but also of setting global precedents. New balancing or bandwagoning efforts vis-à-vis the local strong power are set in motion with fresh implications for the emerging global architecture. Regional alignments are thus constantly shaping and reshaping market relations. Intra-Latin American agreements (those not including the majors, the US and the EU) were motivated by the search for wider markets building up economies of scale amongst similar countries. Such agreements mostly focused on market liberalisation through diverse schedules of tariff reduction. The result has been the emergence of shallow regional agreements. Nonetheless, most have not been fully implemented, but they show a long term trend towards potential convergence, especially if the Community of South American Nations moves on. External pressures have also spurred agreements as defensive mechanisms. So we witness impulses to regionalism complementing and at times competing with older patterns and trends. This contribution focuses on the different avenues that Latin America is undertaking in terms of regional projects. It will assess the dynamics of intra- regional integration and the inter-action effects with varieties of North-South integration.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-136
Author(s):  
Bernadette Califano ◽  
Martín Becerra

This article analyses the digital policies introduced in different Latin American countries during the first three months after the outbreak of COVID-19 reached the region (March–June 2020). This analysis has a three-fold objective: (a) to give an overview of the status of connectivity in five big Latin American countries – Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia and Mexico; (b) to study comparatively the actions and regulations implemented on connectivity matters by the governments of each country to face the pandemic; and (c) to provide insights in relation with telecommunications policies in the context of pandemic emergence at a regional level. To that end, this study will consider legal regulations and specific public policies in this field, official documents from the public and private sectors, and statistics on ICT access and usage in the region.


1999 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuel A. Vásquez

Recent scholarly work on Latin American religion reflects the pluralism and fragmentation of both religion and civil society. What effect will religious practice at the local, “micro” level have on institutions and structures at the “macro” level-namely, the process of democratization? A deeper, simultaneously more foundational and more encompassing definition of democratic politics might be involved. In an increasingly global context, the study of religion and social change in Latin America and among U.S. Latinos needs to take a comparative, truly interamerican approach.


2011 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 340-365 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabiana Machado ◽  
Carlos Scartascini ◽  
Mariano Tommasi

In this article, the authors argue that where institutions are strong, actors are more likely to participate in the political process through institutionalized arenas, while where they are weak, protests and other unconventional means of participation become more appealing. The authors explore this relationship empirically by combining country-level measures of institutional strength with individual-level information on protest participation in seventeen Latin American countries. The authors find evidence that weaker political institutions are associated with a higher propensity to use alternative means for expressing preferences, that is, to protest.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Parriciatu ◽  
Francesco Sindico

This article critically assesses the nature and the content of a possible human right to water for Indigenous People in the Latin American context. On the one hand, after introducing the deliberately unclear definition of Indigenous People, the article considers that a human right to water is embedded in Indigenous Peoples’ customary laws, which, according to legal pluralism, are to be considered as a legitimate source of law. The article then moves to the content of a possible human right to water for Indigenous People in the Latin American context. The importance of the jurisprudence of the Inter American Court of Human Rights is highlighted, and the obligation for States to consult with Indigenous People when dealing with their water resources is hailed as one of the key elements of a human right to water.


2021 ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
Luis Roniger

Modernity has been associated with a series of trends that have altered many societies worldwide, including those in Latin America. Chapter 2 analyzes Latin America and its path to global insertion and modernity. The chapter also addresses the images attributed to this multistate region. Latin American societies patterned their political institutions and public spheres after models that they conceived as the epitome of advanced global progress and modernity. They incorporated modern notions of citizenship, representative democracy, civic associations, elections, public debate and public spheres, justice, and equality before the law. Yet these multiple models were hybrid in nature, resulting from their international insertion and the format of internal colonialism and biases toward the centers of world development. Many of the promises of modernity were unfulfilled, generating new political demands, social change, and transnational spillover from one society to the others.


1945 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell H. Fitzgibbon

“Do not give to a people institutions for which it is unripe in the simple faith that the tool will give skill to the workman's hand. Respect Facts. Man is in each country not what we may wish him to be, but what Nature and History have made him.” Bryce, Modern Democracies, I, 206.With minor exceptions, the panorama of constitutional growth in the Western Hemisphere reveals two main streams. The United States Constitution, the British North America Act of 1867 (which is the Canadian fundamental law), and the organic laws of the various New World British possessions of today all stem, obviously, from English constitutional and institutional ancestry. The constitutions of the twenty Latin American states, on the other hand, all reflect in varying degree the experience and institutions of their three mother countries. These modern constitutions are, it is true, influenced by alien examples at one point or another, but the core is undubitably Latin. More narrowly, the inspiration is Hispanic; and still more narrowly, Spanish.It is not easy to explain in detail the degree of similarity between French political institutions and those of the Iberian peninsula in the centuries between the emergence of the several national states and the political revolutions in Latin America. At least, the French belonged to a not unrelated family. A much closer relationship is easily discernible among the political institutions of the three main Iberian entities that ultimately became the national states of Spain and Portugal, viz., Castile, Aragon, and Portugal. It is often forgotten that for many generations no political or constitutional “Spain” existed, that Aragon and Castile were as distinct from each other in most ways as either of them was from Portugal, that an easily possible union of the ruling houses of Castile and Portugal—supplanting the marriage of Isabella and Ferdinand—might have changed the whole subsequent course of history.


2003 ◽  
Vol 7 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 113-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glauco Arbix ◽  
Mariano Laplane

Trade and investment policies reform that deepened integration in the world markets implemented by most Latin American countries in the last two decades have failed to deliver high and sustained growth rates as expected. Multilateral institutions, which strongly supported such reforms, now suggest that further market friendly changes are needed to produce the expected results. Drawing on evidence from Brazil, this paper argues that the neoliberal model that impregnated policy reforms in Latin America neglected a crucial political dimension, that is, the role of State in the planning and fostering of development. By weakening national states, liberalization, not only increased vulnerability to external shocks but also stimulated conflict in societies with profound social divisions and fragile institutions. Development requires a dense network of both public and private institutions managing issues related to the asymmetries in access to markets, to capital and to technology. Building such institutions is the critical part of a new agenda for development.


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