A Socialist Superwoman for the New Era

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 36-59
Author(s):  
Yingzi Wang ◽  
Sabina Mihelj

This paper examines changing representations of women in Chinese television dramas since the early 1990s and interprets them within a framework of global socialist media cultures, considering both domestic developments and transnational trends. Drawing on the analysis of three selected dramas, it traces the trajectory of televised femininity from exemplary socialist worker-citizens devoted to family and community, to more individualized middle-class urbanites. It is tempting to see this transformation as an outcome of China's integration into the global capitalist economy, the attendant retreat of the party-state from the private realm, and the infusion of Western cultural gender ideals. Yet this interpretation downplays important continuities, and misses intriguing parallels with TV dramas produced in socialist Eastern Europe. The argument pays particular attention to the enduring appeal of the socialist-style superwoman who shoulders the double burden of a professional career and unpaid domestic work while also acting as a discerning citizen-consumer.

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-84
Author(s):  
Daniel Haman ◽  
◽  
Darko Iljkić ◽  
Ivana Varga

The Treaty of Karlowitz signed in 1699 concluded the rule of the Ottoman Empire in most parts of Central and Eastern Europe. Liberation of Osijek in 1687, and consequently of whole Slavonia in 1699 brought a new era of freedom and prosperity to its citizens. At least for a short time, since the Habsburg Monarchy re-established their rule over the country by bringing feudal laws and regulations back into force. Austrian empress and Hungarian-Croatian Queen Maria Theresa united Slavonia with Croatia, and re-established the counties of Virovitica, Požega and Syrmia, meaning that the regional administration of Slavonia was completely relinquished to the civil authorities.


1980 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-503
Author(s):  
Robert Weiner

Karl Marx and the United States is a subject which immediately elicits interest, but also surprise. Interest, because of its contemporary importance; surprise, because Marx and America have appeared so remote from one another. Marx has definitely influenced America, but that will not be the theme of this essay —instead, we will concern ourselves with the role of America in the thought of Marx. The magnitude of this role is illustrated by a statement made in Marx's letter to Abraham Lincoln, written in 1864 on behalf of the International Workingmen's Association:The workingmen of Europe feel sure that as the American war of independence initiated a new era of the ascendency of the middle-class, so the American Anti-slavery war will do for the working-class.


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 236-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mascha Schulz

This article explores the complex role of political ideologies in everyday politics and for urban middle-class Bangladeshis’ evaluation of political parties. Drawing on long-term ethnographic research and, more specifically, conversations and contentions around the removal of ‘Lady Justice’ from the front of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh in 2017, I show that although the Awami League continues to be considered a ‘secular party’, many people do not believe that the Awami League is implementing secular policy and criticise it for what they perceive as ‘hypocrisy’. I argue that this seemingly paradoxical situation can be explained by a political structure that is marked by high factionalism and party competition. Data from research among politicians and the left-leaning, so-called ‘culturally-minded’ milieu in Sylhet, shows that certain segments of the educated middle class acknowledge the pragmatic realities of politics and do not expect the Awami League to act ‘progressively’. Nonetheless, they continue to position the party’s ‘progressive’ and ‘secular’ ideological basis as a primary reason for supporting the party. The article thus contributes to a deeper understanding of contemporary popular and elite practices and perceptions of party politics, democracy, and what might be labelled the ‘party-state effect’.


1993 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Åttila Ågh

ABSTRACTAnalytically, privatization and pluralization may be treated as separate economic and political phenomena, but in the actual conditions of a post-Communist society they are integrally related to the development of a middle-class society that was absent due to ‘deprivatization’ in a one-party state. The creation of a society of plural interests and private enterprise represents a shift from Sovietization to Europeanization. However, the process is extremely difficult, for there are many paradoxes in the logic of privatization. In addition, issues of ownership – past as well as future – are major political battlefields. Political strategies of privatization include a grand coalition; a new state-party; Latin-Americanization; creating a broad entrepreneurial class and/or a European working class; and a wide coalition. These complexities are examined with particular reference to the experience of contemporary Hungary.


Author(s):  
Robert M. Buffington

The Porfirian era (1876–1911) marked a watershed in social understandings of manhood. New ideas about what it meant to be a man had appeared in Mexico by the middle of the 19th century in the form of self-help manuals intended primarily for middle-class and bourgeois men who sought to distinguish themselves in a post-independence society that had done away with legal distinctions, including aristocratic titles. Marks of distinction included cleanliness, good grooming, moderation, affability, respectability, love of country, and careful attentiveness to the needs and opinions of others, including women, children, and social “inferiors”—an approach that artfully combined longstanding notions of masculine responsibility and authority with modern ideas about self-mastery and citizenship, especially the sublimation of volatile “passions” in all domains of social life. Modern qualities also mapped onto traditional concerns about male honor predicated on the fulfillment of patriarchal duties, especially the control of female dependents. The socially validated, “hegemonic” masculinity produced by this amalgamation of modern and traditional ideas proved burdensome for many middle-class men, who struggled to maintain an always precarious sense of honor or who rejected the constraints it sought to impose on their behavior. For men from less privileged classes, it represented an impossible ideal that they sometimes rejected through the adoption of antisocial “protest” masculinities and often satirized as delusional or unmanly, even as they too came to define their masculinity in relation to a modern/traditional binary. The modern/traditional binary that characterized ideas about masculinity for all sectors of Porfirian society has persisted until the present day, despite the epochal 1910 social revolution that inaugurated a new era in Mexican social relations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 59-83
Author(s):  
Artem Ulunyan

The article examines the assessments of the global strategic concept «One Belt, One Road» of the PRC by the representatives of the Central and Eastern European expert community and by the Albanian media. After the Cold War, the formation processes of national states in the post-Yugoslavian space have started in the Balkans, and the region has come under tight probe of the Euro-Atlantic community, of Russia and Turkey as well as of the Peoples Republic of China, which had not displayed earlier such a keen interest in this region. In the context of the global strategy outlined by the party-state leadership of mainland China, the Balkans and Central Eastern Europe have turned into important connecting link in the Chinese geostrategic concept «One Belt, One Road». In the 2010 s, the PRC has begun to establish a wide-range network of transport corridors, designed to start a «new edition» of the historical «Silk Road» and to serve as an instrument for the economic advancement of the PRC on a transcontinental scale. This policy of economic expansion of the PRC, encompassing regions and continents on its way, is being actively discussed in the expert community of Central and Eastern European states from the standpoint of identifying both specific mode of actions engaged by the party-state leadership of the PRC, as well as local conditions, interests and probable results of the implementation of the Chinese project. The author notes that expert assessments range from positive to sharply negative, which indicates the absence of a definitive opinion on this issue. In Albania, a Balkan state closely linked to both Central and Eastern Europe and the Western Balkans, especially due to the presence of a large Albanian ethnic component in a number of countries of the region, the participation in the implementation of the project «One Belt, One Road» was strongly influenced by economic and political relations with the Euro-Atlantic community.


Author(s):  
Sefton D. Temkin

This chapter shows how the battles over the Pittsburgh Platform were being fought over a terrain which other factors were already transforming. Large-scale migration from Eastern Europe had begun. The number of Jews in the United States, estimated at 250,000 in 1880, reached the million mark in 1900, the year of Wise’s death. The acculturated community, speaking English albeit with a German accent, largely middle class, reformed in religion, was outnumbered by one that spoke Yiddish, belonged to the proletariat, and was untouched by Reform Judaism. The processes which Wise saw at work when he arrived in 1846 had to begin over again; but although many of the factors were similar, the answers were not necessarily the same. Incidentally, the presence of a second and larger Jewish community enhanced the importance of New York in American Jewish life and diminished the significance of Cincinnati and other Midwest communities where Wise had held sway.


2021 ◽  
pp. 76-110
Author(s):  
Abdullah Gündoğdu

The great steppe belt, stretching from Lake Baikal in Southern Siberia to the Himalayan mountains, from Manchuria to Eastern Europe and the Balkans, connects Europe and Asia transversely. The Turkic and Mongolian peoples, the inhabitants of this continuous wide belt defined as central Eurasia, established the largest empires in the ancient and medieval world history with their great military movements and migrations. Among these empires, the founding of the Genghis Empire is a unique event of its kind in world history. The countries of the vast Eurasian region, from the Far East to Central Asia and Eastern Europe, were united for the first time in their history under the rule of the same dynasty. After the XIII. century, the axis of world history was based on the relations and struggles of the four great branches that formed the empire for more than three centuries – the Yuan / Kublai, Ilkhanli, Golden Horde and Chagatai khanates - among themselves and with other states. Emir Timur, who entered the struggle for the revival of the empire in the field of the Chagatai Khanate, opened the door of a new era connecting this process to modern history. There is a need to consider how the perception of Genghis and his successors is reflected on the historiography and historical consciousness in identity construction in Turkey and the Turkic world.


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