Adióós to the PRI? Changing Voter Turnout in Mexico's Political Transition

2001 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph L. Klesner

During the last decade, patterns of voter turnout in Mexico have changed dramatically. Turnout patterns now resemble those of established democracies, where affluent and politically engaged citizens are more likely to participate than poorer, less informed, and rural voters who make up the Institutional Revolutionary Party's traditional base. Because those Mexicans most likely to vote are also those most likely to support the opposition, especially the National Action Party, changing partisan biases in electoral participation have had crucial consequences for Mexico's political system. Durante la úúltima déécada, los patrones de participacióón de votantes en Mééxico han cambiado dramááticamente. Estos se asemejan ahora a los de las democracias establecidas, donde los ciudadanos acomodados e interesados en políítica son máás propensos a participar que los máás pobres, los menos informados y los votantes rurales que forman la base tradicional del Partido Revolucionario Institucional. Como los mexicanos máás propensos a votar son aquellos tambiéén máás propensos aapoyar ala oposicióón,especialmente alPartido Accióón Nacional, el cambio de las tendencias de los partidarios en la participacióón electoral ha tenido consecuencias decisivas para el sistema políítico mexicano.

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (69) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis Carlos Rodríguez Montaño ◽  
Nicolás Pineda Páblos

Resumen: en este trabajo se indagó sobre la transición política mexicana en los gobiernos estatales, para lo que se planteó la pregunta: ¿qué tanto ha declinado la hegemonía del Partido Revolucionario Institucional en ellos? Para contestarla se revisaron tres indicadores: el partido de los gobernadores, el tamaño de la fracción del Partido Revolucionario Institucional en los congresos locales y la incidencia de los gobiernos hegemónicos priistas en los estados, de 1989 a 2014. El pluralismo político ha tenido avances sustantivos, y los regímenes de hegemonía priista se han reducido significativamente. Pero, mientras que en la mayoría de los estados hay gobiernos divididos, cinco mantienen la hegemonía priista sin alternancia, y hay 17 con dominio de otros partidos. A pesar de las limitaciones propias en los análisis sobre la evolución de la democracia, aquí se pretendió tener un punto de referencia sobre la pérdida del poder político de un partido que dominó la mayoría de los congresos locales durante gran parte del siglo xx.Palabras clave: Partido Revolucionario Institucional; gobiernos estatales; sistemas de partido hegemónico; sistema político mexicano; pluralismo político; regímenes de partidos; regímenes de gobierno; poder legislativo. The decline of pri’s hegemony in the state governments of Mexico, 1989-2014Abstract: this paper inquiries about Mexican political transition among state governments and it asks the question: how much the hegemony of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (pri) has declined among state governments? To answer this question, three indicators are revised: the party of governors, the size of pri fraction within local congresses, and the count of hegemonic state governments during the approximate 1989-2014 period. The study finds out that political pluralism has made substantive progress and that hegemonic pri state governments have significantly declined. There is however a broad variability; while the majority of states are divided governments, five maintain hegemonic pri governments with no alternation, and also 17 states have governments where other party is dominant. Despite of limitations in the analysis of the evolution of democracy, it was intended here to have a reference point on the loss of political power of a party that dominated most of local congresses for much of the 20th century.Key words: Institutional Revolutionary Party; state governments; hegemonic party systems; Mexican political system; political pluralism; party systems; governance systems; legislative power.


Author(s):  
Mark N. Franklin ◽  
Cees van der Eijk ◽  
Diana Evans ◽  
Michael Fotos ◽  
Wolfgang Hirczy de Mino ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
pp. 147892992110195
Author(s):  
Paulo Cox ◽  
Mauricio Morales Quiroga

Gender gaps in voter turnout are usually studied using opinion surveys rather than official census data. This is because administrative censuses usually do not disaggregate turnout according to voters’ sex. Without this official information, much of the research on gender gaps in electoral turnout relies on survey respondents’ self-reported behavior, either before or after an election. The decision to use survey data implies facing several potential drawbacks. Among them are the turnout overstatement bias and the attrition or nonresponse bias, both affecting the estimation of factors explaining turnout and any related statistical analysis. Furthermore, these biases may be correlated with covariates such as gender: men, more than women, may systematically overstate their electoral participation. We analyze turnout gender gaps in Chile, comparing national surveys with official administrative data, which in Chile are publicly available. Crucially, the latter includes the official record of sex, age, and the electoral behavior—whether the individual voted or not—for about 14 million registered individuals. Based on a series of statistical models, we find that analysis based on survey data is likely to rule out gender gaps in electoral participation. Carrying out the same exercises, but with official data, leads to the opposite conclusion, namely, that there is a sizable gender gap favoring women.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oniel Francisco Díaz Jiménez

Este artículo se centra en un aspecto comparativamente poco estudiado de la literatura sobre política en México relativo al análisis de los cambios significativos en la organización, las tácticas y las estrategias de campaña del Partido Revolucionario Institucional en elecciones presidenciales (denominados usualmente como profesionalización de las campañas) que han ocurrido durante las últimas dos décadas, y explora sus causas. El estudio muestra que la profesionalización de las campañas del PRI no sólo dependió de cambios a gran escala en el sistema político y en el sistema de medios de comunicación durante los noventas, sino también de los recursos y las características organizativas del partido (factores específicos al partido).


Author(s):  
Pedro Francisco Ramos Josa

El presente artículo tiene por objeto analizar la finalidad y utilidad de la institución del Colegio Electoral en el sistema político de Estados Unidos. Para dicho propósito haré un repaso histórico de los orígenes constitucionales del Colegio Electoral, seguido de una descripción de su evolución a lo largo de más de 200 años de existencia, finalizando con un análisis de su influencia en el resultado de las últimas elecciones presidenciales del pasado 8 de noviembre de 2016. Por último, y teniendo en cuenta todo lo anterior, valoraré la relación entre el Colegio Electoral y la democracia estadounidense.It is the object of the present article to analyze the purpose and usefulness of the institution of the Electoral College in the United States political system. For that purpose I will make a historical review of the Electoral College constitutional origins, followed by a description of its evolution throughout more than 200 years of existence, to conclude with a review of the main arguments for and against the Electoral College. Finally, and bearing in mind the aforementioned, I will assess the relationship between the Electoral College and the American democracy.


Author(s):  
Serguei Kaniovski

Within the past seventy years, citizens have cast some twenty-seven billion votes in national elections across the world. This impressive figure would likely double if votes cast in local elections and referenda were included. Electoral participation is a mass phenomenon. However, what exactly motivates people to vote? The question of why people vote has been at the center of positivist political theory. Political scientists and economists have devised numerous theories for why people may or may not vote, in addition to gathering an impressive amount of empirical evidence on the determinants of electoral participation. This chapter offers a bird’s-eye view of historical trends in voter turnout, theories of rational voting motivation, and the role of embedding political or socioeconomic environments, as exposed by empirical research.


1994 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 187-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rogelio Hernández Rodríguez

This article analyzes the principal political acts of the Carlos Salinas administration--elections, the removal of state governors, and the reforms of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI)--and their consequences on the political system. Such measures, far from being democratic improvements, have accentuated presidencialismo at the expense of political institutions.


Subject Outlook for upcoming elections. Significance The constitutional mandates of the parliament and presidency expire in August and September, respectively. Lawmakers are working to create a new political system and hold elections in order to move forward the transitional phase. However, with less than two months until the vote, critical details remain unresolved, including procedural and oversight aspects of the elections and the status of the capital city, Mogadishu. Impacts Donor states will pressure Somali authorities to complete elections without delay. Al-Shabaab will exploit communal grievances arising from the electoral crisis and try to grow its support base. International forces will continue their mission into 2017 even if some troop-contributing countries redeploy forces. Some African Union forces unable to pursue al-Shabaab in remote areas will likely focus more on force protection.


2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 387-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Edmonds-Poli

When Vicente Fox came to power in 2000, many believed that decentralization of the Mexican political system would be one of the top items on his agenda. This essay examines Fox's efforts to transfer power to other branches and levels of government during his first three years in office. The main finding is that the current administration has not been more successful at promoting decentralization than its PRI predecessor. Moreover, states and municipalities have not embraced decentralization because they are ambivalent about bearing the financial and political costs of subnational independence. Con la victoria de Vicente Fox en el 2000, muchos creíían que la descentralizacióón seríía unos de sus proyectos de mayor prioridad durante su gestióón. El presente ensayo analiza las iniciativas de Fox durante los primeros tres añños de su gestióón y demuestra que los recursos financieros tanto como el poder políítico siguen concentrados en las manos del gobierno federal. Fox no ha logrado descentralizar el sistema políítico, en parte, porque los estados y los municipios resisten el cambio.


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