Pentecostalism and Democracy in Nigeria

2014 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 38-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Burgess

This article examines the political dimensions of Pentecostalism in Nigeria, beginning with the historical development of Pentecostal political engagement since independence in 1960. A common observation is that much of global Pentecostalism is apolitical, but an assessment of Nigerian Pentecostalism shows a diversity of political orientations in response to inter-religious competition, as well as changing socio-economic contexts and theological orientations. Herein, I focus on the “third democratic revolution” involving the struggle for sustainable democracy (the first two being the anti-colonial struggle that brought independence and the 1980s-1990s challenge to one-party and military rule). As well, I examine different political strategies employed by Nigerian Pentecostals and assess their impact on direct political behavior, civil society practices and political culture.

Author(s):  
Gal Ariely

This chapter provides a broad overview of the political culture in Israel. It begins by discussing whether a single Israeli political culture can indeed be identified. It then surveys the principal factors that shape political culture and the key changes from the early days of nation-building attempts to Israel’s current, more multicultural character. Making use of a cultural-value map, the chapter then addresses the question of whether Israel’s political culture is indeed “Western” and compares the principal Israeli political orientations with those of other societies. Finally, it analyzes aspects of system support and democratic norms via the use of national and cross-national survey data. The analysis presented concludes that Israeli political culture is dominated by countervailing forces that create a combination of assertive and allegiant forms of citizenship.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-333 ◽  
Author(s):  
ARMEN MAZMANYAN

AbstractThe recent wave of popular uprisings in the Middle East and Northern Africa has sparked a renewed attention to democratization across the world. One of many intriguing questions in this context is whether this trend will be spread globally and will flash another wave of democratization among some regions and countries where democratic euphoria has faded away. Another intriguing question is whether this new wave, in the Middle East or elsewhere, will take a constitutional path or will evolve through undemocratic and unconstitutional channels. In this light, it looks perfectly timely to discuss the lessons from and the modern prospects of building constitutional democracies in post-Soviet countries.This article offers perspectives on challenges facing post-Soviet higher courts in the effort to promote constitutional democracy in their countries. While it argues that there are many such challenges and that their roots are mostly deep in the political culture, selected and discussed are some specific instances which starkly expose the patterns of constitutional perversion and the most relevant limitations facing post-Soviet courts in our days. The solutions to these are seen in the incremental process of institutional learning hence the article suggests some designer strategies which may help moving along this process.The first section outlines what appears to be a peculiar vision of constitutionalism as embedded in respective societies and assesses this entrenched concept against accepted accounts of Western constitutionalism. The second section discusses some specific challenges to development of constitutionalism in post-Soviet countries, concentrating on inherited mindset and legal culture, as well as corrupt political technologies and flaws in the design of constitutional courts. The third section discusses two illustrative cases before higher tribunals to demonstrate what courts face in the courtroom when confronting the described challenges.


Author(s):  
N. V. Karpova

The article is devoted to the study of civilized lobbyism formation in contemporary Russia in the context of the political culture peculiarities. The author explains the use of the concept of “civilized lobbyism” from the standpoint of the presence of various interpretations of lobbying in political science, which prevents a clear separation of legitimate and illegitimate forms of interests’ representation, while the object of research is primarily the legal technologies of influence on power. Political culture is regarded as one of the subjective factors determining the functioning of the mechanisms of interests’ representation in the political system, as well as the specifics of lobbying activities in each particular state. The influence of political culture on the process of lobbying in Russia is analyzed not only at the level of political orientations and behavior of individuals and groups, but also at the level of institutional structures. To study the impact of the political culture on the formation of social practices of lobbying, the author refers to the institutional concept of D. North, in which the mechanism of functioning of social and political institutions is revealed through the correlation of formal and informal rules, norms, attitudes and behaviours. In the context of the development of the democratic representation of interests in contemporary Russia particular attention is given to the problem of preserving and dominating historically established authoritarian orientations in the relations of society and power, as well as the traditions of paternalism and clientellism. However, the author believes that it is not correct to reduce the influence from the political culture mostly to the national traditions. It is concluded that the fundamental condition for the development of civilized lobbying in present day Russia is the is the parallel formation of legal foundations and the corresponding matrix of political culture, both at the level of subjects of lobbying relations and at the level of interests’ representation institutions.


Author(s):  
Gal Ariely

This chapter provides a broad overview of the political culture in Israel. It begins by discussing whether a single Israeli political culture can indeed be identified. It then surveys the principal factors that shape political culture and the key changes from the early days of nation-building attempts to Israel’s current, more multicultural character. Making use of a cultural-value map, the chapter then addresses the question of whether Israel’s political culture is indeed “Western” and compares the principal Israeli political orientations with those of other societies. Finally, it analyzes aspects of system support and democratic norms via the use of national and cross-national survey data. The analysis presented concludes that Israeli political culture is dominated by countervailing forces that create a combination of assertive and allegiant forms of citizenship.


Author(s):  
Imogen Peck

This chapter explores the ways in which the republics’ opponents sought to propagate their own, alternative interpretations of Britain’s domestic conflicts. The first two sections focus on different facets of Royalist memory, while the third section examines the ways memory was deployed by some of the Parliament’s former allies, with an emphasis on the Levellers and proponents of the ‘good old cause’. It argues that these counter-narratives had significant implications for the political culture of the 1650s, the shape of public memory after 1660, and the Restoration settlement. It also shows that though there were significant recurring themes in opposition memory these groups were broad churches, and suggests that an appreciation of the subtle differences in manifestations of memory reveals some of the fissures which existed within these groups, both ideologically and temporally.


nauka.me ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Iuliia Smirnova

This article examines possible ways and means of forming a culture of public policy among citizens of a democratic state. The factors that have a direct impact on the formation and consolidation of political attitudes and political orientations in the consciousness of the individual were identified. The article provides a list of civic competencies that underlie the political culture of the population, a high level of which is necessary for the successful and sustainable functioning of a modern democratic political system. It is established that civic education is the main element of the education system, responsible for the formation of political attitudes and political orientations (corresponding to the environment), and hence the political culture of citizens.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Deaglán Ó Donghaile

Addressing the political dimensions of Wilde’s aesthetic practice, the introduction to this monograph assesses his place within the discrete material and political culture of the fin de siècle. Contrary to contemporary representations of Wilde as effete, it explains how his aesthetic radicalism was informed by and contributed to a broader set of progressive political initiatives. It historicises his place within the progressive literary-political scene of the 1880s and 1890s by pointing to his personal and ideological connections with socialists, anarchists and Irish separatists.


2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Testa

Abstract This article discusses several recent approaches to the study of festivals and points out in which ways certain theories of power can be fruitfully applied to better interpret both historical and contemporary festivals. The structure of the text is tripartite: in the first part, I present a brief, critical history of the studies in order to construct a genealogy of the category of festival (and of its criticism); in the second part, I discuss certain major speculations on power and reflect upon their applicability to the study of festivals; in the third part, I present some case-studies and investigate the political dimensions of festivals by applying and problematizing, to selected examples, the theories discussed in the second part. Concepts as “power,” “hegemony,” “function,” “playground” and others are explored in their implications and (re)discussed in the attempt of both delineating different ranges of theoretical issues and developing new methodological attitudes.


2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 398-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Rowbottom

AbstractThis article looks at the public disclosure of political donations as a case study to examine the role of transparency in addressing concerns about undue influence and corruption. The article will explore three issues. The first is to understand what it means to say that a political donation is corrupt. There is considerable disagreement on the ethics of political fundraising and this article will show how public opinion has a role in setting the standards expected of politicians. The second issue is what role the public disclosure of political donations plays in deterring and detecting corruption. While the disclosure requirements were introduced to promote greater trust in politics, it will be argued that increases in transparency have fed a growing culture of mistrust. The logic of the transparency requirements also requires the free public discussion of particular political donations and related ethical issues. The third issue is how that process of free discussion can come into tension with rights to privacy and reputation. The article will explore how the attempts to reconcile the different areas of law both reflect and shape the political culture.


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