scholarly journals On the formation of a culture of public policy: the role of civic education

nauka.me ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Iuliia Smirnova

This article examines possible ways and means of forming a culture of public policy among citizens of a democratic state. The factors that have a direct impact on the formation and consolidation of political attitudes and political orientations in the consciousness of the individual were identified. The article provides a list of civic competencies that underlie the political culture of the population, a high level of which is necessary for the successful and sustainable functioning of a modern democratic political system. It is established that civic education is the main element of the education system, responsible for the formation of political attitudes and political orientations (corresponding to the environment), and hence the political culture of citizens.

Author(s):  
Gal Ariely

This chapter provides a broad overview of the political culture in Israel. It begins by discussing whether a single Israeli political culture can indeed be identified. It then surveys the principal factors that shape political culture and the key changes from the early days of nation-building attempts to Israel’s current, more multicultural character. Making use of a cultural-value map, the chapter then addresses the question of whether Israel’s political culture is indeed “Western” and compares the principal Israeli political orientations with those of other societies. Finally, it analyzes aspects of system support and democratic norms via the use of national and cross-national survey data. The analysis presented concludes that Israeli political culture is dominated by countervailing forces that create a combination of assertive and allegiant forms of citizenship.


2014 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 38-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Burgess

This article examines the political dimensions of Pentecostalism in Nigeria, beginning with the historical development of Pentecostal political engagement since independence in 1960. A common observation is that much of global Pentecostalism is apolitical, but an assessment of Nigerian Pentecostalism shows a diversity of political orientations in response to inter-religious competition, as well as changing socio-economic contexts and theological orientations. Herein, I focus on the “third democratic revolution” involving the struggle for sustainable democracy (the first two being the anti-colonial struggle that brought independence and the 1980s-1990s challenge to one-party and military rule). As well, I examine different political strategies employed by Nigerian Pentecostals and assess their impact on direct political behavior, civil society practices and political culture.


2020 ◽  

In democracy, political participation is seen as the most important way for citizens to communicate information to political decision-makers (Sydney Verba) and the bureaucracy affiliated to them. Protest plays a special role here among the political and cultural varieties of participation, since it can be seen as a symptom of democratic defects or as an expression of a living, transformative democracy. Civic education situates itself in relation to this particular form of expression of political culture in a multidimensional way: it transmits basic democratic values to educational institutions and marks the boundaries of accepted practice of protest quite differently. This can also result in a transformative practice of protest (Banks), which is also discussed in this volume. In it, the authors resurvey the field of political education according to the conditions of the current crisis-ridden transformation in democracy. This anthology was created to document the 2017 Münster Conference of the DVPW-Committee on Political Science and Civic Education.


1971 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Kavanagh

ALL POLITICAL CULTURES ARE MIXED AND CHANGING. WHAT IS interesting in the English case, however, is the way in which a veritable army of scholars has seized on the deferential component. Other features in the overall cultural pattern have been neglected. This paper is devoted to an examination of the concept of deference as it is applied to English politics. In particular it will focus on the different meanings that the concept has assumed in the literature describing and analysing the popular political attitudes, and those aspects of the political system, including stability, which it has been used to explain. My concluding argument is that deference, as the concept is frequently applied to English political culture, has attained the status of a stereotype and that it is applied to such variegated and sometimes conflicting data that it has outlived its usefulness as a term in academic currency.


Author(s):  
N. V. Karpova

The article is devoted to the study of civilized lobbyism formation in contemporary Russia in the context of the political culture peculiarities. The author explains the use of the concept of “civilized lobbyism” from the standpoint of the presence of various interpretations of lobbying in political science, which prevents a clear separation of legitimate and illegitimate forms of interests’ representation, while the object of research is primarily the legal technologies of influence on power. Political culture is regarded as one of the subjective factors determining the functioning of the mechanisms of interests’ representation in the political system, as well as the specifics of lobbying activities in each particular state. The influence of political culture on the process of lobbying in Russia is analyzed not only at the level of political orientations and behavior of individuals and groups, but also at the level of institutional structures. To study the impact of the political culture on the formation of social practices of lobbying, the author refers to the institutional concept of D. North, in which the mechanism of functioning of social and political institutions is revealed through the correlation of formal and informal rules, norms, attitudes and behaviours. In the context of the development of the democratic representation of interests in contemporary Russia particular attention is given to the problem of preserving and dominating historically established authoritarian orientations in the relations of society and power, as well as the traditions of paternalism and clientellism. However, the author believes that it is not correct to reduce the influence from the political culture mostly to the national traditions. It is concluded that the fundamental condition for the development of civilized lobbying in present day Russia is the is the parallel formation of legal foundations and the corresponding matrix of political culture, both at the level of subjects of lobbying relations and at the level of interests’ representation institutions.


Author(s):  
Gal Ariely

This chapter provides a broad overview of the political culture in Israel. It begins by discussing whether a single Israeli political culture can indeed be identified. It then surveys the principal factors that shape political culture and the key changes from the early days of nation-building attempts to Israel’s current, more multicultural character. Making use of a cultural-value map, the chapter then addresses the question of whether Israel’s political culture is indeed “Western” and compares the principal Israeli political orientations with those of other societies. Finally, it analyzes aspects of system support and democratic norms via the use of national and cross-national survey data. The analysis presented concludes that Israeli political culture is dominated by countervailing forces that create a combination of assertive and allegiant forms of citizenship.


1996 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
LARRY L. WADE ◽  
JIN WAN SEO

This article provides the first systematic account of the political orientations of women in the South Korean mass public. Drawing on data from the 1992 Korean Election Study, it is shown that Korean women are relatively more conservative ideologically, less interested in politics, more deferential in political discussions, more regime supportive, and less change oriented than men with respect to some aspects of public policy. Although other factors are involved, these differences are explained, in large part, by education. Education dominates social class, income, and other modernizing influences in this regard. As higher levels of education are reflected throughout the age distribution of women, more participatory and regime-critical orientations should become apparent.


1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard E. Matland

The issue of the equitable representation of women in political bodies has concerned both political activists and political scientists for a number of years. Greater representation of women is predicted to have a number of effects on public policy and social interactions. Among these effects are changes in policy priorities, improved system legitimacy and a change in the political culture as old stereotypes disappear and women come to be viewed as the equals of men in the political sphere. The view has been that if women were to get into office, they could prove themselves effective. Therefore societal views on women as political leaders would change, and old stereotypes as to their limited competence would break down. The hope of many is that as women politicians become commonplace, a country's political culture would change so that gender is no longer a relevant consideration in evaluating political leaders. This Note directly tests the assertion that increased participation by women leads to this genderneutral view of political leaders.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Askadula Sabirov ◽  
Konstantin Sokolovskiy ◽  
Egor Gromov ◽  
Lilia Sabirova

This research identified structural differences between the religious and cultural components of human capital in Western and Russian intellectual traditions and created a specific holistic structural conceptual framework based on which further research can be carried out, or decisions can be made about determining human capital for scientific and public policy purposes. Experts selected research texts for examination, and their structural-semantic analysis was used as a research method. A group of 32 authoritative Russian university experts was formed to select the most significant and influential studies of Western scholars on human capital and changes in the attitude towards assessing its religious and cultural components. The selected works were analyzed to determine common concepts for which semantic relationships were established. As a result, a structural diagram of Western research's main ideas concerning the religious and cultural components of human capital was created. Among the totality of basic ideas that define the Western paradigm, there is a generally negative assessment of religiosity as a component of psychology that influences productive forces; a high level of religiosity is rarely correlated with economic prosperity and is not necessarily associated with high levels of morality or health. The novelty of the study is due to the fact that so far no attempts have been made to highlight the most important features of the Western paradigm of understanding the role of a religious or cultural component in the development of human capital and to apply it to determine the differences and possible strategies for the development of the individual economy (in our example, the Russian one). The paper also analyzed the essence of the contradiction between Western and Russian concepts of human capital. This study could serve as a foundation for further developing a strategy for identifying and using human potential to determine public policy for cultural and economic development.


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