scholarly journals THE REPRESSIVE POLICY OF THE POLISH AUTHORITIES AGAINST THE GREEK CATHOLIC CLERGY 1919–1921

2019 ◽  
pp. 67-73
Author(s):  
Олег Єгрешій
Keyword(s):  
General Population ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Scientific Article ◽  
Population Census ◽  
Catholic Priests ◽  
Catholic Clergy ◽  
Marked Activity ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
Different Parts

In the scientific article, the author reveals the attitude of Polish government structures to the Ukrainian Greek Catholic clergy in Galicia in 1919–1921. The author defines the nature of repressions against priests in this region. On June 22, 1919 many Greek Catholic priests from different parts of Galicia: Anatol Dolyńskii, Ivan Halibei, Mykola Nyklych and others were taken to Lviv prison “Bridgits” without any guilt. Some of the priests founded themselves in a camp for prisoners at Stshalkovo near Poznan. The higher clergy also suffered persecution. In November 1918, in connection with the “separation in political life”, a search was carried out at the premises of the Przemysl bishop Josaphat Kotsylovsky. The polish officer, Karminski, behaved unce- remoniously with the Ukrainian lord Yo. Kotsylovskyi. The scientific article also notes that the Greek Catholic clergy showed marked activity during the census of the population in September 1921. The general population census of 1921 turned into a peculiar anti- occupational plebiscite.

Август и Агриппа: развитие системы соправления с 29 по 18 г. до н. э.

2017 ◽  
pp. 126-169
Author(s):  
S.E. Tariverdieva
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Administration ◽  
Inheritance System ◽  
The Future ◽  
One Step ◽  
Formal Equality ◽  
Different Parts

The article deals with the development of the coregency system of Augustus and Agrippa from 29 to 18 BC: from formal and actual disparity of the coregents to their formal equality with the dominance of the princeps auctoritas. Particular attention is paid to the earlier stages of this development and to the crisis of 23 BC. The coregency system created by Augustus is often regarded by modern historians as means of ensuring uninterrupted succession of power. Agrippa as his coregent often is thought to have assumed the role of the regent who temporally replaces the princeps, just as it was in formal monarchies, or that of the tutor of the future rulers. However, the Roman system of state administration did not allow such type of regency. The princeps coregent, who was his equal in formal credentials but his inferior in terms of auctoritas, in case of the princeps death had to become the next princeps as his immediate successor. It is unlikely that later he was expected to voluntarily give up his power in favour of younger heir and to vanish from the political life altogether. The inheritance system under Augustus was like a ladder with the princeps at the top, the coregent who was also the immediate successor one step below, heirs of the next degree further down. In case of death of one of them, successors shifted one step up. The coregency had one more function: geographically it allowed Augustus and Agrippa to rule jointly the empire while staying in different parts of it.В статье исследуется развитие системы соправления Августа и Агриппы с 29 по 12 гг. до н. э.: от формального и фактического неравенства соправителей до их формального равенства при преобладании auctoritas принцепса, причём особое внимание уделяется раннему этапу этого развития и кризису 23 г. до н. э. Институт соправления, созданный Августом, часто рассматривается, как средство обеспечения бесперебойного перехода власти, причем Агриппе, как соправителю, НЕРЕДКО отводится роль регента, временно замещающего принцепса или воспитателя будущих правителей. Однако римская система государственного управления не предполагала регентства. Соправитель принцепса, равный ему по формальным полномочиям, но уступавший по auctoritas, в случае его смерти должен был СТАТЬ следующим принцепсом, ближайшим его наследником. Вряд ли предполагалось, что в будущем он должен добровольно уступить власть более молодому наследнику и исчезнуть из политической жизни. Система наследования при Августе представляла собой нечто вроде лестницы, на вершине которой стоял принцепс, на следующей ступени соправитель, он же избранный преемник, ниже наследники следующей очереди в случае смерти когото из них происходило продвижение наследников по ступеням вверх. Кроме того, соправление имело и иное значение позволяло Августу и Агриппе совместно управлять империей, находясь в разных ее частях.

Englishness

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ailsa Henderson ◽  
Richard Wyn Jones
Keyword(s):  
Public Attitudes ◽  
Political Life ◽  
British Politics ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The World ◽  
The Uk ◽  
English Nationalism ◽  
Opinion Polls ◽  
Different Parts

For a topic that until recently was presumed not to exist, English nationalism has transformed into an apparently obvious explanation for the Brexit result in England. Subsequent opinion polls have also raised doubts about the extent of continuing English commitment to the union of the United Kingdom itself. Yet, even as Englishness is apparently reshaping Britain’s place in the world and—perhaps—the state itself, it remains poorly understood, in part because of its unfamiliarity. It has long been assumed that nationalism is a feature of political life in the state’s periphery—Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland—but not its English core. Another barrier to understanding bas been the relative lack of public attitudes data with which to explore the nature of English nationalist sentiment.This book draws on data from a survey vehicle—the Future of England Survey—specially established in 2011 to facilitate the exploration of patterns of national identity in England and their political implications. On the basis of these data, Englishness offers new arguments about the nature and effect of English nationalism on British politics, as well as how Britishness operates in different parts of Britain. Crucially, it demonstrates that English nationalism is emphatically not a rejection of Britain and Britishness. Rather, English nationalism combines a sense of grievance about England’s place within the UK with a fierce commitment to a particular vision of Britain’s past, present, and future. Understanding its Janus-faced nature—both England and Britain, as it were—is key not only to understanding English nationalism, but also to understanding the ways in which it is transforming British politics.

Father, Where Art Thou? Catholic Priests and Mexico's 1929 Relación de Sacerdotes

2018 ◽  
Vol 98 (4) ◽  
pp. 635-667
Author(s):  
Matthew Butler ◽  
Kevin D. Powell
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Catholic Priests ◽  
Catholic Clergy ◽  
Cristero Rebellion ◽  
Religious Crisis ◽  
The Catholic Church

Abstract This article studies an ecclesiastical census, the Relación de sacerdotes, that was compiled by the Secretariat of the Interior during Mexico's Cristero War in 1929. We propose that this statistical device ultimately helped the Catholic Church and the Portes Gil government to plot a way out of the religious crisis. It did so by providing a mutually acceptable means for priests to register with the postrevolutionary state and by providing a discursive mechanism for the Catholic clergy to present itself to the regime as a national, less Rome-oriented body. The Relación can therefore give historians insights into the contingent and bureaucratic ways that revolutionary and ecclesiastical elites renegotiated the contours of Mexico's secular order. The second half of the article contains an analysis of the Relación. There we argue that the Relación offers a kind of prosopographical and political snapshot of the Mexican clergy during the Cristero Rebellion.

Political Socialisation Patterns of Turkish High Skilled Migrants

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 575-583
Author(s):  
Işıl Zeynep Turkan İpek
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
Strong Relationship ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Turkish Migrants ◽  
Turkish Politics ◽  
University Degree ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
Different Parts

Political socialisation has been studied from different perspectives, such as voting behaviour, the impact of social networks, socialisation types and political culture on voting as well as engagement in political life. This article examines the political socialisation patterns and participation of high-skilled Turkish migrants living in different parts of the world. The main purpose is to shed light on the ways in which these migrants participate in Turkish politics; how much they are engaged or interested in Turkish politics; and how their socialisation patterns are formed. The results show that Turkish high-skilled migrants have a strong interest in Turkish politics; however, their political socialisation and engagement, except for voting, is low. In this article, it is pointed out that there is a strong relationship between the level of education and political participation as well as interest in politics. The data (N=350) were collected by an online survey conducted among Turkish migrants, who had at least a university degree and were living abroad at the time of the survey.

Socio-economic Mobility among Patients with Schizophrenia or Major Affective Disorder a 17-Year Retrospective Follow-Up

1995 ◽  
Vol 166 (6) ◽  
pp. 759-767 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seppo Aro ◽  
Hillevi Aro ◽  
Ilmo Keskimäki
Keyword(s):  
General Population ◽  
Affective Disorder ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
White Collar ◽  
Drop Out ◽  
Population Census ◽  
Number Of Patients ◽  
Schizophrenic Patients ◽  
Group A ◽  
Marked Decline

BackgroundSocial mobility among patients with schizophrenia or major affective disorder was compared with that among the general population.MethodMobility was studied retrospectively from 1970 to 1987. Socio-economic status (SES) was defined by occupation as in the population census (upper white-collar, lower white-collar, blue-collar, entrepreneur, farmer, unemployed). All patients aged 30–60 years at discharge (2901 men and 3620 women) in 1987–88 in Finland were included in the study. The SES structure of the general population was used for comparisons.ResultsAmong patients with schizophrenia there was a constant downward drift, commonly to unemployment. This risk was higher among men than women. In the youngest age group a marked decline from the parents' social status was observed. Among patients with major affective disorder the distribution of SES in 1970 was similar to that of the general population. By 1987, a downward drift was again observed, mainly to unemployment regardless of the initial SES group. The number of patients in occupational categories were usually 30–50% lower than expected.ConclusionsSchizophrenic patients had a high risk of social drop-out. Among patients with major affective disorder the downward drift was much less.

scholarly journals В поисках большинства: демографическая эволюция мусульманской политической идентичности в Боснии и Герцеговине

Islamology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Milos Milovanovic
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Population Census ◽  
Main Question ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Population Numbers

The study discusses the relationships between demography and the development of Muslim political identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H). The main question that this paper aims to answer is: To what extent have the demographic components of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s population (both natural and spatial movement) framed the unique political identity of the Muslim/Bosniak population in relation to Orthodox/Serbs and Catholics/Croats.The paper seeks to examine the concept of population numbers as an object of political competition, including how patterns of demographic behavior vary between religious groups and further impact political identity. Thus, the article perceives the population census as an object of political struggle.Hence, by using the final results of the censuses, the study clarifiesthe significance of population numbers in the construction ofthe identity politics of Muslims in B&H. Furthermore, the paperargues for the significance of population statistics in constructingof the political identity of religious groups in a multi-ethnic society, emphasizing that demography holds important clues to the pattern of political behavior, and that specific forms of demographic variations are correlated with distinguished political agendas. Additionally, the study traces the political life and rise of the first president of independent Bosnia—Alija Izetbegović—as an embodiment of Muslims’ political identity.Arguing that demography is an important component of the development of political identity, the paper expects to stimulate interest from other scientific fields as it adds to our understanding of relationships between demography, religion, and politics. Finally, the study intends to open a supplementary research agenda focusing on the effects of demography on politics, beyond those explored within the limits of political studies.

scholarly journals Aggravation of interfaith relations in the Belarusian provinces of the Russian Empire (late 19th – early 20th century) in the light of archival documents

2021 ◽  
pp. 95-102
Author(s):  
Oleg Kazak
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Catholic Priests ◽  
Catholic Clergy ◽  
Interfaith Relations ◽  
Historical Archives ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
October 17 ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Town

The article analyzes various aspects of the relationship between the largest confessional groups of the Belarusian provinces of the Russian Empire (Orthodox and Catholics) in the late 19th – early 20th centuries in the context of the implementation of the models of self-identification «our – other» and «our – alien». Particular attention is paid to the characteristics of the activities of Catholic clergy and fanatical parishioners to incite interfaith hostility (insults to representatives of another confession, unfounded calls for conversion to Catholicism, erroneous interpretation of the Decree «On strengthening the principles of religious tolerance» and the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, and etc.). The authority that Catholic priests had among the parishioners often caused the latter to be hostile to their neighbors of other faiths. The article provides many examples of the fact that the appearance of fanatical priests in a certain area often disrupted the peaceful, conflict-free course of religious life. At the same time, there were cases when the erroneous actions of Orthodox priests and ordinary parishioners became a catalyst for the exacerbation of interfaith relations. The article provides factual evidence of the propaganda activities of Catholic priests in the Polish national spirit, analyzes the reaction of the authorities to it. The most resonant conflict between Catholics and Orthodox at the beginning of the twentieth century is described in detail – an episode in the town of Zelva, Volkovysk district, Grodno province. The basis of the source base of the article was made up of documents of the National Historical Archives of Belarus and the National Historical Archives of Belarus in Grodno. This article can be useful for specialists in history, students, everyone interested in the problems of religious and national relations in European countries. We see prospects for further research in this area in a comparative analysis of the situation in Belarus and other regions of Central and Eastern Europe of the 20th – 21th centuries, mixed in confessional and ethnic terms.

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