scholarly journals Love is Historically, Institutionally, and Societally Constructed: Using Intersectionality to Examine Racial Issues of Power and Privilege in Queer Relationships

Perceptions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Tahir
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Research Paper ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Court Cases ◽  
Normative Systems ◽  
Specific Focus ◽  
Racial Issues ◽  
White Person

How does interracial attraction expose power dynamics within both heterosexual and queer relationships in accordance with historical and institutional infringements on civil rights? With my research paper, I aim to unpack the power dynamics, present and historically constructed, within white-person of color relationships, as well as the desires for whiteness, cisheteronormativity, and assimilation inherent in them due to hegemonic, normative systems of superiority and dependency. I will use American court cases to demonstrate institutional infringements on queerness as well as scholarly articles which support my point that whiteness infiltrates every aspect of life including relationships and the dynamics which form them, with a specific focus on visibility.

Transcending the Veil

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-228
Author(s):  
Natasha V. Christie ◽  
Shannon B. O’brien
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Double Consciousness ◽  
Racial Issues ◽  
Color Blind ◽  
The Veil ◽  
Rights Issues ◽  
Selection Of

This work examines how Barack Obama’s speeches and remarks used various rhetorical techniques to strategically maneuver his rhetoric to address racial issues and represent African American concerns. The results of a content analysis of a selection of Obama’s speeches and remarks confirm that Obama and his speechwriters favored the use of statements of color-blind universalism. However, when making certain remarks regarding civil rights issues or perceived racial issues, the pattern shifted, presenting a rare glimpse of the unbalanced representation of African American concerns. These findings suggest that Barack Obama’s speeches and remarks performed double-consciousness; they used universal, balanced, and targeted universalism rhetorical techniques as a genuine, congruent political style for representing African American concerns as a “raced” politician.

An Intimate Yet Anglo-Centric Account of a Renaissance Human Rights Man

2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-134
Author(s):  
Dilek Kurban
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Legal Scholar ◽  
Minority Community ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Social

In his well-researched biography, Mike Chinoy chronicles Kevin Boyle's life and career as a scholar, activist and lawyer, bringing to light his under-appreciated role in the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland and the efforts to find a peaceful solution to the conflict, as well as his contributions to human rights movements in the United Kingdom, Europe and the world. Are You With Me? is an important contribution to the literature on the actors who have shaped the norms, institutions and operations of human rights. In its efforts to shed light on one man, the book offers a fresh alternative to state-centric accounts of the origins of human rights. The book offers a portrait of a social movement actor turned legal scholar who used the law to contest the social inequalities against the minority community to which he belonged and to push for a solution to the underlying political conflict, as well as revelations of the complex power dynamics between human rights lawyers and the social movements they represent. In these respects Are You With Me? also provides valuable insights for socio-legal scholars, especially those focusing on legal mobilisation. At the same time the book could have provided a fuller and more complex biographical account had Chinoy been geographically and linguistically comprehensive in selecting his interviewees. The exclusion of Kurdish lawyers and human rights advocates is noticeable, particularly in light of the inclusion of Boyle's local partners in other contexts, such as South Africa.

scholarly journals Cultures of Abuse: ‘Sex Grooming’, Organised Abuse and Race in Rochdale, UK

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 50-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Salter ◽  
Selda Dagistanli
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Abuse ◽  
Sexual Violence ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Cultural Norms ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Children At Risk ◽  
Minority Communities ◽  
International Media ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Racial Issues

Revelations of organised abuse by men of Asian heritage in the United Kingdom have become a recurrent feature of international media coverage of sexual abuse in recent years. This paper reflects on the similarities between the highly publicised ‘sex grooming’ prosecutions in Rochdale in 2012 and the allegations of organised abuse in Rochdale that emerged in 1990, when twenty children were taken into care after describing sadistic abuse by their parents and others. While these two cases differ in important aspects, this paper highlights the prominence of colonial ideologies of civilisation and barbarism in the investigation and media coverage of the two cases and the sublimation of the issue of child welfare. There are important cultural and normative antecedents to sexual violence but these have been misrepresented in debates over organised abuse as racial issues and attributed to ethnic minority communities. In contrast, the colonialist trope promulgating the fictional figure of the rational European has resulted in the denial of the cultural and normative dimensions of organised abuse in ethnic majority communities by attributing sexual violence to aberrant and sexually deviant individuals whose behaviours transgress the boundaries of accepted cultural norms. This paper emphasises how the implicit or explicit focus on race has served to obscure the power dynamics underlying both cases and the continuity of vulnerability that places children at risk of sexual and organised abuse.

scholarly journals Civil Rights, Culture Wars, Voting and the Downfall of the Democratic Party in the South

2004 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 5-23
Author(s):  
James L. Baumgardner
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Correctness ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Culture Wars ◽  
The South ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
White Southerners ◽  
Racial Issues ◽  
White Voters

Throughout much of its existence, the Democratic Party was heavily dependent upon the votes of the white South for its electoral success. In the last forty years, that situation has changed drastically. The erstwhile Democratic Solid South has been transformed into a Republican bastion. While many commentators still seek to explain this phenomenon in terms of race, white Southerners publicly are able to maintain political correctness by setting their change of political heart in a quite different context. This paper seeks to place the current political situation in the South in a historical context that explains how the racial issues that actually launched the downfall of the Democratic Party in that region became eclipsed by a national cultural conflict that has allowed an ever increasing number of white voters in the South to explain themselves in the transcending language of morality that comes so easily to Republicans rather than in the debasing context of race.

Struggling to be Noticed: The Civil Rights Movement as an Academic Agenda Setter

2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (04) ◽  
pp. 813-817 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harwood K. McClerking ◽  
Tasha S. Philpot
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Black Politics ◽  
Movement Activity ◽  
Noticeable Increase ◽  
Agenda Setter ◽  
Racial Issues ◽  
American Society

While the study of Black politics in the American context has not been a top priority in political science, it is indisputable that this topic in general is more likely to be discussed in the discipline's journals in recent decades than in the more distant past. What accounts for this noticeable increase in prominence? How did the study of Black politics move from total obscurity to occupying a more significant (although still relatively marginalized) position within mainstream political science? To answer these questions, we draw a parallel between politics and political science. Specifically, we posit that the increased focus on African American politics is due to Black agency in the form of social movement activity, which reached its zenith during the civil rights movement. Before the civil rights movement, we note as numerous others have, that the racially conservative views of American society in the nineteenth century resulted in Black politics being an understudied area. We argue, however, that as social movement activity increased the salience of racial issues in America, so too did it raise the importance of race for political scientists.

Civil Rights and Public Accommodations: The Heart of Atlanta Motel and McClung Cases By Richard C. Cortner. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2001. 240p. $29.95.

2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (3) ◽  
pp. 633-634
Author(s):  
Joseph Stewart
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Court Cases ◽  
Civil Rights Act

Mention Richard Cortner's name and political scientists think of “stories” of court cases well and thoroughly told. Cortner's latest effort is another superb contribution to this line of work. In this work he focuses on the two cases in which the constitutionality of Title II of the 1964 Civil Rights Act (CRA) was tested—the Heart of Atlanta Motel case and the “Ollie's Barbeque” case.

scholarly journals THE 1966 WHITE HOUSE CONFERENCE ON CIVIL RIGHTS

1998 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 259-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
KEVIN L. YUILL
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
White House ◽  
High Point ◽  
Howard University ◽  
Racial Issues ◽  
The Vietnam War ◽  
American Creed ◽  
Governmental Institutions

Lyndon B. Johnson fails to mention the 1966 White House Conference on Civil Rights in his autobiography and the conference has been equally ignored by historians. Yet this conference, promised in Johnson's famous Howard University speech in 1965, was to be the high point of Johnson's already considerable efforts on civil rights. Underlying the confusion and rancour that characterized the conference held in June 1966 (but more especially the ‘planning conference’, held in November 1965) was a struggle to maintain the integrative impetus of the ‘American Creed’ against the realization that integration was unlikely to take place except in the very long term. The conference transcripts, recorded verbatim, provide a useful reminder of the very different mood of the mid-1960s, suggesting that the extent of panic after the Watts riot went beyond racial issues into fears for the survival of political and governmental institutions. Especially evident is the fragmentation of Johnson's liberal civil rights coalition before dissent on the Vietnam War ensured his downfall.

Color-Blind Conservatism and the Great White Switch

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sid Bedingfield
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Voting Rights Act ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
New Rhetoric ◽  
Political Clout ◽  
Racial Issues ◽  
Color Blind

This chapter details the effort by former segregationist editors to unite whites against rising black political clout after passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1964 and the Voting Rights Act in 1965. The editors at the state’s two largest newspaper, Thomas R. Waring Jr. at the News & Courier in Charleston and William D. Workman Jr., at The State in Columbia, helped develop a rhetoric of “color-blind conservatism” to undermine black political activism. The new rhetoric accepted the end of segregation and legal equality for blacks in the South, but declared that racial issues should no longer be an acceptable topic for political debate. It identified blacks as special pleaders seeking aid from government that they did not deserve.

Our Spirit Is Not Narrow Bigotry

2020 ◽  
pp. 103-126
Author(s):  
Linda C. McClain
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Racial Discrimination ◽  
The United States ◽  
Court Cases ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
The Public ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
The Law ◽  
Natural Difference

This chapter studies how arguments about bigotry, conscience, and legislating morality featured in legislative debate over the Civil Rights Act of 1964, particularly the public accommodations provision (Title II). President Lyndon B. Johnson urged clergy to support the act and help the United States overcome bigotry. Religious leaders testified for and against the law. Lawmakers and witnesses supporting the law insisted that the nation’s conscience demanded that Congress pass a law to end bigotry and racial discrimination. Opponents referred to bigotry in multiple ways: they argued that segregation reflected natural difference and God’s plan, not bigotry; that people had a right to be bigoted; and that the act’s supporters were the real bigots. The chapter concludes with two Supreme Court cases upholding Title II relevant to later constitutional challenges to civil rights laws protecting LGBTQ persons: Heart of Atlanta v. United States and Newman v. Piggie Park Enterprises.

Between Reconstructions: Congressional Action on Civil Rights, 1891–1940

2010 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffery A. Jenkins ◽  
Justin Peck ◽  
Vesla M. Weaver
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Racial Politics ◽  
Black Box ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
Common Assumption ◽  
Congressional Record ◽  
Racial Issues ◽  
The Common ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
Congressional Action

Prior analyses of congressional action on the issue of black civil rights have typically examined either of the two major Reconstructions. Our paper attempts to fill the large five-decade black box between the end of the First Reconstruction and the beginning of the Second, routinely skipped over in scholarship on Congress, parties, and racial politics. Using a variety of sources—bill-introduction data, statements by members in the Congressional Record, roll-call votes, and newspaper reports, among others—we challenge the common assumption that civil rights largely disappeared from the congressional agenda between 1891 and 1940, documenting instead the continued contestation over racial issues in Congress. By examining several failed anti-lynching initiatives, this article uncovers a largely untold story about how and when the Republican and Democratic Parties reorganized around race, finding that the realignment began earlier than is commonly understood.

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