scholarly journals FILOSOFIJA IR POLITIKA ATGIMIMO EPOCHOJE

Problemos ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 75 ◽  
pp. 9-15
Author(s):  
Evaldas Nekrašas

Straipsnyje, apžvelgus kai kuriuos bendruosius filosofijos ir politikos santykio klausimus, siekiama išaiškinti, kodėl Lietuvos politinio atgimimo laikotarpiu, 1988–1993 metais, jos filosofai, atstovavę disciplinai, laikytai sovietinės valdžios ideologine atrama, aktyviai įsitraukė į politinę veiklą, kurios tikslas buvo Lietuvos išlaisvinimas iš tos valdžios. Tuo tikslu analizuojama filosofijos padėtis okupuotoje Lietuvoje ir pirmiausia, Vilniaus universitete. Bandoma atsakyti į klausimą, kuo ji skyrėsi nuo filosofijos padėties kitose TSRS aukštosiose mokyklose. Nagrinėjami veiksniai, lėmę gan aukštą filosofų prestižą Lietuvoje, turėję įtakos jų įsitraukimui į politinius Atgimimo procesus ir aktyviam dalyvavimui valstybingumo atkūrime ir nepriklausomybės įtvirtinime. Glaustai aptariami kai kurie pastarųjų šešių dešimtmečių filosofijos raidos Lietuvoje periodizacijos aspektai. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: Lietuva, Atgimimas, filosofija, politika, marksizmas.Philosophy and Politics in the Epoch of RebirthEvaldas Nekrašas SummaryAfter examining shortly some general issues concerning relation of philosophy to politics, the author of the article makes an attempt to answer the question why during the period of Lithuania’s political rebirth, in the years 1988–1993, Lithuanian philosophers representing a discipline which in its Marxist form had been regarded as an ideological basis of the Soviet rule took a vigorous part in political activities aiming at liberation from that rule. With this aim in mind, analysis of the situation of philosophy in occupied Lithuania is presented. A special emphasis is put on the situation at Vilnius University. An attempt is being made to explain why and in which respect it was different from that at other universities in the Soviet Union. The factors that were responsible for a relatively high reputation of philosophers among Lithuanian reading public are examined. Exactly that high reputation and the developed sense of responsibility explains why philosophers were so eager to join the popular movement aiming at the liberation of Lithuania, were able to become its distinguished leaders and play a very important role in the political rebirth and the consolidation of the regained independence. Some issues related to the periodization of the development of Lithuanian philosophy during the last six decades are also put under scrutiny. Key words: Lithuania, Rebirth, philosophy, politics, Marxism.

1996 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen White ◽  
Ian Mcallister

Once dominant and unchallenged throughout the USSR, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union rapidly lost authority in the last two years of Soviet rule. Banned by Russian presidential decree after the failure of the attempted coup of August 1991, it was re-established in February 1993 and soon became the largest of the postcommunist parties. A 1992 survey of current and former party members as well as other Russians found that members were characterized by a relatively high degree of activism. They were disproportionately male, more affluent than non-members, and better provided with consumer goods. Younger respondents and religious believers were more likely to have left the party than their older colleagues. Those who still regarded themselves as party members were the most likely to oppose economic reform and support the collectivist principles of the communist era, particularly if they were activists; but the differences between members and non-members were not substantial, and both were found to hold generally pessimistic views on the postcommunist system. These findings suggest that, although former members will continue to be influential, CPSU membership is by itself likely to play a limited part in shaping the political direction of postcommunist Russia.


2021 ◽  
pp. 427-444
Author(s):  
Krista Kodres ◽  

The notion “Soviet West” that is addressed in this chapter had its own political and cultural past during Soviet times that lived on in the collective memory of the Estonian and Russian communities on both sides of the border. In the nineteenth century, the crucible of modernity, the identity of both cultural spaces began to be shaped and take shape, despite the fact that the political boundary was shared; Estonia was part of the Russian Empire. As part of this process, identity boundaries were drawn for each cultural space using history. As an outcome of this long lasting process, Estonian cultural elites decided “to become Europeans”; in parallel Russia began to stress the unique character of their culture. The respective historical and art historical narratives were constructed. These boundaries persisted in collective consciousness, having become stronger and transmuted, in the latter half of twentieth century, constantly perpetuating oppositions and hierarchies. It was particularly the case of Estonian very small culture that felt to be threatened under the Soviet rule, as the active russification process started in the 1970s. However, one should bear in mind that unlike physical boundaries, Soviet-era cultural borders were characterized by permeability and the filtration or translation capability, which – as history has shown us – turned them into elastic cultural exchange elements, even if the national agenda (as in the case of Estonia) or political regime (like the Soviet Union) did not favour this process.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Inggs

This article investigates the perceived image of English-language children's literature in Soviet Russia. Framed by Even-Zohar's polysystem theory and Bourdieu's philosophy of action, the discussion takes into account the ideological constraints of the practice of translation and the manipulation of texts. Several factors involved in creating the perceived character of a body of literature are identified, such as the requirements of socialist realism, publishing practices in the Soviet Union, the tradition of free translation and accessibility in the translation of children's literature. This study explores these factors and, with reference to selected examples, illustrates how the political and sociological climate of translation in the Soviet Union influenced the translation practices and the field of translated children's literature, creating a particular image of English-language children's literature in (Soviet) Russia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-71
Author(s):  
Melissa Chakars

This article examines the All-Buryat Congress for the Spiritual Rebirth and Consolidation of the Nation that was held in the Buryat Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in February 1991. The congress met to discuss the future of the Buryats, a Mongolian people who live in southeastern Siberia, and to decide on what actions should be taken for the revival, development, and maintenance of their culture. Widespread elections were carried out in the Buryat lands in advance of the congress and voters selected 592 delegates. Delegates also came from other parts of the Soviet Union, as well as from Mongolia and China. Government administrators, Communist Party officials, members of new political parties like the Buryat-Mongolian People’s Party, and non-affiliated individuals shared their ideas and political agendas. Although the congress came to some agreement on the general goals of promoting Buryat traditions, language, religions, and culture, there were disagreements about several of the political and territorial questions. For example, although some delegates hoped for the creation of a larger Buryat territory that would encompass all of Siberia’s Buryats within a future Russian state, others disagreed revealing the tension between the desire to promote ethnic identity and the practical need to consider economic and political issues.


2010 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Brainerd

This article uses anthropometric and archival data to reassess the standard of living in the Soviet Union. In the prewar period, the population was small in stature and sensitive to the political and economic upheavals experienced in the country. Significant improvements in child height, adult stature, and infant mortality were recorded from approximately 1945 to 1970. While this period of physical growth was followed by stagnation in heights, the physical growth record of the Soviet population compares favorably with that of other European countries at a similar level of development in this period.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-40
Author(s):  
Lasha Tchantouridze

The two-decade-long U.S.-led military mission in Afghanistan ended in August 2021 after a chaotic departure of the NATO troops. Power in Kabul transferred back to the Taliban, the political force the United States and its allies tried to defeat. In its failure to achieve a lasting change, the Western mission in Afghanistan is similar to that of the Soviet Union in the 1980s. These two missions in Afghanistan had many things in common, specifically their unsuccessful counterinsurgency efforts. However, both managed to achieve limited success in their attempts to impose their style of governance on Afghanistan as well. The current study compares and contrasts some of the crucial aspects of counterinsurgency operations conducted by the Soviet and Western forces during their respective missions, such as special forces actions, propaganda activities, and dealing with crucial social issues. Interestingly, when the Soviets withdrew in 1988, they left Afghanistan worse off, but the US-backed opposition forces subsequently made the situation even worse. On the other hand, the Western mission left the country better off in 2021, and violence subsided when power in the country was captured by the Taliban, which the United States has opposed.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tareq Kakarash ◽  
Alnasir Doraid

The issue of national diversity is considered one of the most important points in studying the development of political systems in our time. Many scholars and researchers have noticed that there is rarely a people or nation in the world today that does not possess different national or ethnic diversity, some of which succeed in forcibly obliterating them, which leads to its ignition and the division of nations and states. (As happened in the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, the Eight State, the Empire of Austria-Hungary, etc.) and as it will happen in the future in other repressive countries, no matter how long their repression takes, and some of them succeed in preserving them through assimilation and understanding, as happened in Switzerland and a few other countries. While there are countries that have been striving for decades to arrange their national situations (such as India, Belgium and Spain), with varying degrees of success. The element of national diversity sometimes plays an active role in reforming the political system, and at other times this national diversity hinders the entire political reform. On the basis of the difference and contrast between the two models in terms of the degree of modernity and development, however, a careful examination of the two models confirms that they are not different to this degree. Only years (1998 in Britain and 2003 in Iraq) and the political conflict still exists in the two countries, leading to a final solution to this crisis.


1953 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-167
Author(s):  
S. Bernard

The advent of a new administration in the United States and the passage of seven years since the end of World War II make it appropriate to review the political situation which has developed in Europe during that period and to ask what choices now are open to the West in its relations with the Soviet Union.The end of World War II found Europe torn between conflicting conceptions of international politics and of the goals that its members should seek. The democratic powers, led by the United States, viewed the world in traditional, Western, terms. The major problem, as they saw it, was one of working out a moral and legal order to which all powers could subscribe, and in which they would live. Quite independently of the environment, they assumed that one political order was both more practicable and more desirable than some other, and that their policies should be directed toward its attainment.


2008 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-93
Author(s):  
Mariya Polner

The dissolution of the Soviet Union resulted not only interindependence for Moldova. It also served as a push factor for the secessionist conflict on its territory which due to its unresolved status is referred to as frozen. All attempts of the political settlement since 1990s have ended in deadlock. Interestingly, the EU policies towards Transnistria changed significantly in 2003-2004. From the ‘security consumer’ the EU has been slowly turning into the ‘security provider’. The main goal of this paper is to evaluate the impact of the EU in ensuring security and stability through its involvement in the Transnistrian conflict. For this purpose the study will focus on EU-Moldova relations and the instrument it dedicates to ensuring stability, the EU Border Assistance Mission.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 135-149
Author(s):  
Wojciech Łysek

The article discusses the life and work of the outstanding Sovietologist Richard Pipes, who was born in a Polonized Jewish family in Polish Cieszyn. After an adventurous trip to the United States in 1939 and 1940, he graduated in history from Harvard University and devoted himself to scientific work. For the next half a century, Pipes dealt with the historical and contemporary aspects of Russia. In his numerous publications, including more than 20 monographs, he emphasised that the Soviet Union continued rather than broke with the political practice of tsarist Russia. In his professional work, he thus contested views prevailing among American researchers and society. From the 1960s, Pipes was involved in political activities. He was sceptical about détente, advocating more decisive actions towards the Soviet Union. Between 1981 and 1983, he was the director of the Department of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union in the National Security Council in the administration of President Ronald Reagan. Although retiring in 1996, he did not give up his scientific activity. Pipes died on 17 May 2018; according to his last will, his private book collection of 3,500 volumes has been donated to the Institute of Political Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences.


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