scholarly journals The future of the EU in the context of scenarios for its development by 2025

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (11) ◽  
pp. 60-70
Author(s):  
O. М. Rudik

The article researches the scenarios for the future development of the EU by 2025 proposed by the European Commission. The white paper on the future of EU looks at how Europe will change in the next decade, from the impact of new technologies on society and jobs, to doubts about globalization, security concerns and the rise of populism. The European Commission emphasizes that the Europe’s role as a positive global force is more important today than ever. However, under the pressure of global competition the United Europe’s place in the world and its economic weight are shrinking, which is a solid foundation for preserving the unity of the Union for the sake of achieving greater. On the contrary, the most desirable scenario, as can be seen from the speech by the President of the European Commission, is to give the European Union a greater amount of power, resources and decision-making powers. As a result, cooperation between the EU-27 Member States will deepen in all areas than ever before. The White Paper outlines ve main scenarios («Carrying on», «Nothing but the single market», «Those who want more do more», «Doing less more e ciently», «Doing much more together»), each of them provides an opportunity to look at the possible state of a airs in the Union by 2025, depending on the choice that the EU will make by 2019. In the opinion of Jean-Claude Juncker, the most negative scenario of the EU development, and therefore extremely undesirable, is to bring its goals to purely economic, focusing the Union’s activities on the development of a single internal market and ensuring its uninterrupted functioning («Nothing but the single market» scenario). Based on data from the European Commission the author shows and brie y describes the key advantages and disadvantages of each of the scenarios. The common features of these scenarios are outlined: rst, they all come from the fact that the United Kingdom withdraws from the EU; secondly, none of them doubts the need to preserve the euro as common currency and the Schengen zone, thirdly, neither the scenarios refers to further EU enlargement. Since none of the proposed scenarios provides for the complete disintegration of the EU, that is, the disappearance of it as a geopolitical actor, it is concluded that in the strategic perspective all the outlined models of the EU’s future development suit Ukraine. Moreover, the steps recently proposed by the President of Ukraine and the European Parliament for deepening the economic integration of Ukraine with the EU and its association with the Schengen area also does not contradict any of the scenarios.

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-154
Author(s):  
Ines Kersan-Škabić

The heterogeneity of economic performances in the EU member states is one of the main reasons for the existence of a “core-periphery” relationship. The goal of this research is to examine various economic indicators to reveal possible divisions between the EU members. This issue emphasized the contribution of rich “core” countries to the imbalances in poorer “peripheral” EU members. By applying cluster methodology and considering the most recent data, two groups of countries were identified, the first comprising 11 countries that form the “centre” or the “core”, and the rest of the EU forming the “periphery”. Considering differences between these countries is necessary and justified for discussions about the future development of the EU that will involve differences between member states.


2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (50) ◽  
pp. 33-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kai Lehmann

It is common today, even in the European media, to treat the current crisis of the European Union almost exclusively as an economic crisis. The present article pretends to show that such a focus is not only wrong but is indeed dangerous for the future development of the European Union as a whole. The article will argue that the present economic crisis simply aggravated – and a lot – a crisis of legitimacy through which the European Union has been passing for some time. Showing that the anti-European tendencies which are spreading throughout the countries of the continent threaten the very future of the European project, the article will make suggestion on reforms for the future development of the EU, alerting to the necessity to finally elaborate once again a coherent argument for the continuation of the European integration process which puts the European population at the heart of the political process instead of just austerity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 221
Author(s):  
Andrii Falkovskyi ◽  
Olga Dzhezhik

In the scientific discourse of the XXI century, the concept of modern Europe is being reformed under the influence of reforming the activities of the European Union. Scientific publications and research are conducted based on a study of the policies of the European Union countries, EU institutions and structural elements, and the problems that arise in the process of activity and development. The concept of modern Europe is a general term that embraces European values, the European standard of living, European policy, and European priorities, giving the concept of European studies a stable association with the European Union. In this context, the main causes and consequences for the scientific discourse, political practice, and future development of European countries must be considered. Neoinstitutionalists have attempted to analyse institutions based on atomistic methodology. Institutional transformations, processes of intra-European integration and enlargement of the EU, discussions on membership and exit from the EU raise issues of identity and development of governance in Europe. Europeanisation can be seen as a discourse, governance, and institutionalisation. The first interpretation emphasizes that modern Europe is a discourse, not only ideological but also administrative. In this sense, Europeanisation can be a means of expression of institutional globalization through domestic policy. In the article, the hypothesis is put forward and proved that the interpretation of the concept of modern Europe directly correlates with the future development of the European Union and its members. The dissemination of exclusive practices will help to spread the ideas of radical “Eurosceptics”, which could lead to the collapse of the European Union. The inclusive aspect of the concept of Europe is represented by the ideas of “Europeists” who, based on the common history, culture, mentality of the peoples of Europe, substantiate the positive influence on the state development of integration, non-state cooperation, and extrapolation of EU norms and principles into the new territories of Europe. There are three main reasons for shaping the concept of Europe as the boundaries of EU policy: The consolidation of political positions of the European Union and its growing role as an actor in world politics; Essence of the EU enlargement concepts; Features of development within the European community. The modern concept of Europe is considered in the context of a modern multi-level governance model. Therefore, Europeanisation is the interaction of different layers of interests, including structures of regional, multi-level governance, legitimacy of domestic and foreign policy. The impact of the multi-level governance system on the functioning of public administration systems in the Member States and neighbouring countries is considered. Four approaches are identified based on the analysis of relationships between different levels of governance. The necessity of formulating new theoretical paradigms defining the relations between the Member States and the technocratic institutions of the EU, as well as between the Europeanised system of national agencies and the ministries overseeing their activities, has been proved.


Author(s):  
Dorota Dakowska

Whether higher education (HE) can be defined as a European Union (EU) policy has been matter of debate. Formally, education is still a domestic prerogative, and in principle, the EU can only support and supplement national governments’ initiatives in the sector. Yet, this official division of tasks has been challenged in many ways over the last decades. First, the history of European integration shows that the European community took an early interest in educational matters. The Treaty of Rome established a community competency on vocational training. Subsequently, the European Commission framed HE and vocational training as two entangled policies. Second, the EU institutions, the member states, and noninstitutional actors have coordinated in innovative ways, through soft governance processes promoted by the Bologna Process and the EU Lisbon—and later Europe 2020—strategy, to impose a European HE governance based on standards and comparison. Third, the study of HE requires going beyond an EU-centric perspective, with international organizations such as the OECD and the Council of Europe cooperating closely with the European Commission. HE has been increasingly shaped by global trends, such as the increased competition between universities. The mechanisms of European HE policy change have elicited academic debates. Three main explanations have been put forward: the power of instruments and standards, the impact of the Commission’s funding schemes, and the influence of interconnected experts, stakeholders and networks. Domestic translations of European recommendations are highly diverse and reveal a gap between formal adaptations and local practices. Twenty years after the Bologna declaration, the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) presents a mixed picture. On the one hand, increased mobility and the growing interconnectedness of academic schemes facilitate the launch of ambitious projects such as the “European universities.” On the other hand, concerns are periodically raised about the growing bureaucratization of the process and the widening gap between the small world of the Brussels stakeholders and everyday academic practices in EHEA participant countries. Paradoxically, smaller and non-EU countries have been more actively involved in advancing the EHEA than large, older EU member states.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (9) ◽  
pp. 975-985
Author(s):  
E. V. Moroz ◽  
V. N. Zuev

Aim. The presented study aims to assess the impact of Internet platforms on the efficiency of commercial and economic activities of agents, through the example of the European Union (hereinafter — the EU). Tasks. The authors consider the characteristics of the European Union’s marketplaces, assess the impact of social networks on consumer shopping habits, examine e-commerce statistics in the European Union and the initiatives taken by the EU to improve e-commerce. Methods. This study uses general methods of cognition to identify the specific features of product promotion in the online space, analyze statistical indicators, and determine the relationship between the use of digital information processing channels and the demand for goods. Results. Examination of marketplace platforms shows that they are not a perfect channel for promoting products online. However, their significance has been growing rapidly in recent years. Platform solutions such as mobile networks and social networks significantly increase online sales. However, online channels have both advantages and disadvantages, which the European Union solves by introducing supranational regulation of online sales agents. Conclusions. Further improvement of e-commerce processes requires supranational regulation and consumer engagement to increase their awareness of the opportunities provided by e-commerce.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 123-139
Author(s):  
Paulina Szeląg

On January 19, 2012, the European Commission (Commission) decided to launch a visa liberalisation dialogue with Kosovo, and on June 14, 2012, it handed over to Kosovo’s government a ‘Roadmap Towards a Visa-free Regime’. This document included 95 requirements that Kosovo had to fulfil. By 2016, the Commission had adopted four reports on progress made by Kosovo in the visa dialogue. In a report issued on May 4, 2016, the EC proposed to the Council of the EU (Council) and the European Parliament (EP) to lift visa requirements on the citizens of Kosovo. The Commission stressed that by the day of the adoption of the proposal by the EP and the Council, Kosovo must have ratified the border/boundary agreement with Montenegro and strengthened its track record in the fight against organised crime and corruption. On July 18, 2018, the Commission confirmed in a report on the progress made by Kosovo in the visa dialogue, that the country had fulfilled the last two requirements included in the roadmap. The aim of this article is to analyse the visa-liberalisation dialogue between the European Union (EU) and Kosovo and whether liberalisation through a visa-free regime with Kosovo had an influence on reducing organised crime and corruption in Kosovo. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, as well as statistical data.


Author(s):  
Scott James ◽  
Lucia Quaglia

This chapter outlines the theoretical and empirical puzzles that inform the book, its objectives, overall argument, and structure. It sets out to explain the changing preferences and influence of the UK in shaping multi-level financial regulation. In particular, the book addresses two empirical questions. Why has the UK favoured increasingly stringent regulation in certain financial sectors since the crisis, but not in others? Why has the UK led international and EU-level regulatory reforms in some areas, but has resisted these initiatives in other areas? The chapter also outlines the book’s ambition to undertake a preliminary assessment of the impact of Brexit on the future of UK financial regulation, focused on two questions. Why has the UK decided to withdraw from the EU single market in services, including finance? How is Brexit likely to impact on the UK’s regulatory preferences and ability to shape multi-level financial regulation?


IG ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-234
Author(s):  
Peter-Christian Müller-Graff

This article scrutinizes the impact of the widely criticized PSPP-judgement of the Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) on the Union´s legal order. It shows that the European Commission´s opening of an infringement procedure was inevitable due to the FCC´s disregard of the rules of the preliminary reference procedure, denies the necessity of a modification of the Union´s judicial architecture and develops recommendations for the future loyal cooperation between the FCC and the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in handling such disputes.


2009 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 289-320
Author(s):  
Geert van Calster

AbstractThis chapter reviews the regulatory innovation process in the European Union, with a focus on the environmental sector. It examines the EU documents on regulation and, in particular, the ‘eight pillars of European governance’ listed by the European Commission in its follow-up to the 2001 White Paper on European Governance, as a useful means of categorising the practical consequences which the European Union attaches to the different implications of the governance debate in the EU. It goes on to summarise the initiatives on regulatory innovation as kick-started by the White Paper on Governance, and to map the current state of each of these initiatives. It concludes that no fundamental reform is required, but rather only a slim number of targeted remedies; the only real solution to the regulatory fog is acceptance and deregulation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvia Moscatelli ◽  
Anna Rita Graziani ◽  
Lucia Botindari ◽  
Stefano Ciaffoni ◽  
Michela Menegatti

During the first national lockdown imposed in a Western country to reduce the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, many Italians tried to boost their spirits by hanging hand-drawn rainbows with the slogan “Everything will be all right” from their windows. To understand which processes might have nurtured their positive views about the future during the pandemic, the present study (N=846), building upon social identity research, examined the relationships among Italians’ identification with their country and with the superordinate entity of the European Union (EU), trust in the main institutions in charge of managing the crisis (i.e., the Italian government, the EU, and the scientific community), and beliefs that the COVID-19 crisis would eventually result in the improvement of society. Structural equation modeling analyses showed that identification with Italians and Europeans had positive direct associations with positive expectations about humankind. Identification with Europeans was also directly related to positive expectations about Italian leaders and the strengthening of the EU through the crisis. Trust in the Italian government and, to a lower extent, trust in the EU mediated some of these associations. These findings suggest that governments should actively promote national and European identification to help citizens counter the negative psychological impact of the pandemic and maintain positive views of the future.


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