scholarly journals The Attitude of Teachers to the Norm-Creating in the Field of School Upbringing (Case of Russia, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan)

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 577-592
Author(s):  
Ekaterina A. Koval ◽  
Andrey A. Sychev ◽  
Natalia V. Zhadunova ◽  
Nurgul I. Osmonova ◽  
Rinat S. Salikzhanov

Introduction. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, new independent states began to develop their own approaches to education based on national and confessional traditions. It was reflected in new norms, regulating their educational systems. The study of these norms and the process of their creation, the role of teachers and other stakeholders in this process help to evaluate educational activities at secondary schools. Materials and Methods. The expert survey of practicing teachers who work in general education organizations was conducted between December 2020 and May 2021. 268 educators from Russia, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan answered the questions of the survey. The materials of the study were the norms of the Constitutions, laws on education of Russia, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan; methodological recommendations on education issues, developed by national academies of education; codes of pedagogical ethics; regulatory documents of religious organizations. Results. Experts in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan have demonstrated the need for legal norms governing the organization of the upbringing process. The assessment by Russian experts of the existing norms of national legislation showed that they generate excessive bureaucratization of the process, limiting the creative potential of teachers. Most experts in all three countries question the validity of professional codes of ethics. Assessing the norm-making potential of various stakeholders, Russian respondents put the state to the first place along with the pedagogical community, while Kazakh and Kyrgyz experts give priority to the pedagogical community and educational organizations. However, only teachers of Kazakhstan see real opportunities for participation in rule-making processes. Discussion and Conclusion. There are cross-country differences in assessing the quality of specific norms and the norm-making potential of school teachers. The main problems faced by experts in the implementation of educational activities (bureaucratization, limitation of creative potential, absence of time) are outlined.

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-110
Author(s):  
David Erkomaishvili

The fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 allowed independent states, which emerged in its place, to construct their own alignments. The choice of the case for empirical analysis had been made based on several unique characteristics. Orthodox Alliance Theory had almost never properly addressed alignments in the post-Soviet space due to the lack of access to information during the Soviet period - along with the structure of the state: only Soviet alignment policies were taken into consideration, instead of those of its constituent republics as well - and modest interest of alliance theorists in the region. Continued disintegration of the post-Soviet space, which has not stopped with the collapse of the Soviet Union but keeps fragmenting further, creates a unique setting for researching the adequacy of Alliance Theory's classic assumptions as well as developing new approaches. This work traces the development of the post-Soviet system of collective security and its subsequent transformation into a series of bilateral security relations, along with the shortfall of multilateralism.


Author(s):  
Antony Polonsky

This chapter highlights how the collapse of communism in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union initiated a new period in the history of the Jews in the area. Poland was now a fully sovereign country, and Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania, and Moldova also became independent states. Post-imperial Russia faced the task of creating a new form of national identity. This was to prove more difficult than in other post-imperial states since, unlike Britain and France, the tsarist empire and its successor, the Soviet Union, had not so much been the ruler of a colonial empire as an empire itself. All of these countries now embarked, with differing degrees of enthusiasm, on the difficult task of creating liberal democratic states with market economies. For the Jews of the area, the new political situation allowed both the creation and development of Jewish institutions and the fostering of Jewish cultural life in much freer conditions, but also facilitated emigration to Israel, North America, and western Europe on a much larger scale.


2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 802-804
Author(s):  
Nilgun Onder

Clan Politics and Regime Transition in Central Asia, Kathleen Collins, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006, pp. 376.The long isolation of Central Asia finally ended with the collapse of the Soviet Union. Five new independent states emerged from the ashes of the Soviet Union, the very first time in history that the peoples of Central Asia gained their own independent states modelled on the modern state. This development caught the world, including Central Asians themselves, by surprise. It changed the geopolitics of the entire Eurasia. In the ensuing years, the Central Asian republics have undergone simultaneous multiple transformations: state building; political regime transformation; and transition from Soviet communism. Thus the new states in Central Asia have provided scholars with new cases of multiple economic and political transitions to study and compare. In recent years, there has been a significant proliferation of English-language publications on Central Asia. Kathleen Collin's book, a comparative historical study of political development in Central Asia, is a major contribution. While its focus is on Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, it often provides examples from the other two Central Asian republics, namely Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan. It is thoroughly researched and rich in information and details. It also makes a significant contribution to the political science literature on democratization, regime transition and consolidation.


Using comparative legal research method, the author examines the constitutions of the CIS countries, as well as the other post-socialist countries. Over the past nearly three decades that have passed since the collapse of the Soviet Union these countries were in a state of permanent changes in the economy and state-building, guided by the ideas of fiding their own way of development in the conditions of the collapse of the old ideals. The results of such a search are of scientifi interest and fid reflction in the constitutions. The author compares the constitutions of the above-mentioned states by the form, procedure for adopting and modifying them, the characteristics of the state enshrined in them, the form of government, the form of state structure, the specifis of the constitutional status of a person and citizen, and institutional mechanisms for the legal protection of the constitution. A conclusion is made that the application of the traditional approaches to classifiation of forms of government is of little use for the classifiation of the forms of government of states that are attributed to the CIS countries and the Baltic countries (Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia). The author’s classifiation of forms of government in these states is proposed. He also pays much attention to the form of the state structure of the CIS countries and other post-socialist states, including the problem of the existence of unrecognized and partially recognized independent states operating in the territory of some CIS countries and post-socialist states.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 39-63
Author(s):  
Vello Pettai

As the Baltic states commemorated the centenary of their first appearance as independent states in 2018, their celebrations were mixed with feelings of ambiguity about the road travelled since then. Although today we often see Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania as 'post-communist' countries, their experience with communism was actually much harsher than in Central Europe, since, for nearly fifty years, the three countries were forcibly a part of the Soviet Union. This has made their journey back into the European community all that more remarkable, and it has also served to keep these countries somewhat more resistant to the dangers of democratic backsliding. After all, their continued independence and well-being are intricately dependent on keeping the European liberal order intact. Nevertheless, the winds of populism have also begun to buffet these three countries, meaning that they have been struggling to keep their balancing act going. This article reviews the development of the Baltic states over the last 20 years, both in terms of domestic politics and EU accession and membership. It profiles the way in which the three countries have been trying to keep their faith in democracy and liberalism alive amidst ever more turbulent political and economic times.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (1&2) ◽  
pp. 57-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Weidman ◽  
Brian Yoder

This article describes the social, economic, and political processes that have influenced educational reform in two countries of Central Asia since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. It compares and contrasts the various educational reform initiatives that have occurred in each country, including legal and policy frameworks, curriculum change, decentralization, privatization, finance, structure, and emphasis of educational systems, and the fit between what is taught in educational institutions and demands of the labor market. A sector-wide framework for education reform is presented to facilitate understanding of the very complex set of processes involved.


Author(s):  
Ірина Куценко

The article highlights the characteristics of monitoring students’ educational attainment in maritime education institutions during the reorganization of the Soviet system during the 1970s and the 1990s. It analyzes the orders, circulars, reports, protocols of meetings of methodical associations and pedagogical collections and other documents, whose content is related to educational activities of Kherson maritime educational institutions. The analysis of historical literature shows that Kherson maritime education institutions, as well as other educational institutions of that time, were dependent on education reforms and state policy. A significant part of the government’s orders, resolutions, instructions, decisions on the issues of monitoring education quality was presented by legislative, officially political and regulatory documents of state authorities and the management of the Soviet Union. It is specified that internal monitoring was conducted based on constant monitoring, which included assessing the implementation of written control tasks, oral answers, etc. As evidenced by the analysis of the protocols of Admiral Ushakov Shipbuilding College, the constant orders for raising educational attainment in educational institutions led to the fact that the process of monitoring educational activities of maritime students in this context was fictitious; all results of educational activities were characterized by student progress, which differed from the existing situation. However, such a policy on monitoring educational attainment of students reflected the constant reforms of the Soviet Union, which were aimed at fictitious increasing of student progress in all sectors of education. 


Author(s):  
Khemis Mohammed

The Soviet Union played the role of a great power in the international system for many decades after World War II, and the main sources of Soviet power came from its hard components of power such as large territory, large populations, and solid industrial base. However, the Soviet Union dissolved at the end of the Cold War in 1991 and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) as an alternative body of former great power was established. However, the CIS still attempts to overtake the symbolic image of a post-Soviet region to rebuild a powerful multilateral organization in realms of security, trade, and finance. Thus, the question is, What if the Commonwealth of Independent States turns out to a unitary coherent actor able to compete in the international system as a great power? In order to answer this question, this chapter will try to measure the composite index of national capability (CINC) of the CIS combined and compare it with the CINC scores of the United States and China to figure out the main CIS potentials in terms of hard power components such as total population, urban population, steel production, energy consumption, military personnel, and military expenditure.


2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (S1) ◽  
pp. 237-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
PAUL KUBICEK

AbstractThe Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was designed to manage the collapse of the Soviet Union and foster post-Soviet cooperation in political, economic, and security spheres. Over a decade into its existence, most analysts would rate it a failure: many post-Soviet states do not participate in CIS ventures, the institutional machinery of the CIS is weak, and Russia, the most dominant post-Soviet state, has tended to favour bi-lateral relationships over multi-lateral institutions. Why is this the case? This article looks at the CIS through the prism of theories of regionalism, demonstrating that the CIS was handicapped on many fronts, including emergent multi-polarity in the post-Soviet space and domestic-level political considerations in many post-Soviet states.


2013 ◽  
Vol 107 ◽  
pp. 1-1
Author(s):  
Stanimir Alexandrov ◽  
Laurence Boisson de Chazournes ◽  
Kal Raustiala

During the Cold War, international relations and international law were deeply shaped by the struggle for global dominance between the United States and the Soviet Union. The clashes between the superpowers reverberated in legal issues relating to the functioning of the United Nations, the use of force, nuclear nonproliferation, human rights, etc. The many newly independent states, caught in the middle, repeatedly made claims for reform and initiated rule-making initiatives, but with limited results. After the end of the Cold War, the United States, its Western allies, and their shared economic and geopolitical interests remained largely unchallenged in the international arena.


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