Reforms and transformation paths in comparative perspective: challenging comparative views on East European and Chinese reforms

2005 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mária Csanádi
Keyword(s):  
Power Distribution ◽  
State Power ◽  
State Model ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
Dynamic Background ◽  
East European ◽  
Structural Context ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Party State ◽  
Chinese Reforms

Reforms, in view of a comparative party-state model, become the instruments of self-reproduction and self-destruction of party-state power. The specific patterns of power distribution imply different development and transformation paths through different instruments of self-reproduction. This approach also points to the structural and dynamic background of the differences in the location, sequence, speed and political conditions of reforms during the operation and transformation of party-states. In view of the model the paper points to the inconsistencies that emerge in the comparative reform literature concerning the evaluation and strategies of reforms disconnected from their systemic-structural context.

scholarly journals Tekutá teritorialita a hnutí al-Šabáb

2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 31-49
Author(s):  
Bohumil Doboš
Keyword(s):  
Power Distribution ◽  
Internal State ◽  
Local Population ◽  
State Power ◽  
Survival Strategy ◽  
Territorial Development ◽  
Power Projection ◽  
Security Services ◽  
State Security ◽  
State Actors

The text presents a contribution to the study of territoriality of violent non-state actors in areas of limited internal state power projection. It presents the strategy of liquid territoriality as a survival strategy of the territorial violent non-state actors, as well as a strategy to develop protostate structures. It builds on three pillars – minimal opposition of (primarily external) state security services, support from the local population, and the ability to reflect the dynamic development of power distribution. This strategy is later applied to Al-Shabaab. This application helps us to better understand not only the territorial development of the movement but also the limits of territorial control of violent non-state actors in general.

scholarly journals Diplomatic Intervention and the Effects of Third-Party State Power on Intrastate War Outcome

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexann Sandberg
Keyword(s):  
Significant Relationship ◽  
Regression Models ◽  
State Power ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Multinomial Regression ◽  
Economic Production ◽  
Production And Consumption ◽  
Intrastate War ◽  
Military Victory ◽  
Party State

This paper seeks to examine the role third-party states may play as diplomatic intervenors in intrastate wars. Because diplomatic interventions seek settlement outcomes over military victory, understanding the efficacy of these interventions may provide support for their usage over non-diplomatic options. I hypothesize that third-party state power, in the form of military, economic, and political capabilities, will impact the likelihood of diplomatic intervention outcome; more powerful third-party states will have a greater likelihood of producing preferred outcomes. I use 12 multinomial regression models to examine this relationship. I find that economic capabilities are the only factor of state power that produce a significant relationship with partial settlement only. Assessing this relationship, I suggest states with higher levels of economic production and consumption may have positive, yet also limited, impacts as diplomatic intervenors in intrastate war.

Sources of social support for China’s current political order: The “thick embeddedness” of private capital holders

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher A. McNally ◽  
Teresa Wright
Keyword(s):  
Social Support ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
The Political ◽  
Private Capital ◽  
Political Liberalization ◽  
Affective Components ◽  
Party State ◽  
Shed Light

In recent years, scholars have puzzled over the fact that China’s increased economic privatization and marketization since the early 1990s have not triggered a simultaneous advance in political liberalization. Many have sought to explain why – despite a marked upsurge in popular unrest – sources of social support for the political order have remained sizeable. Seeking to shed light on this debate, this article investigates the nature and implications of the political embeddedness of China’s private capital holders. The embeddedness of these individuals is “thick” in the sense that it encompasses an inter-twined amalgam of instrumental ties and affective links to the agents and institutions of the party-state. Thick embeddedness therefore incorporates personal links that bind private capital holders to the party-state through connections that are layered with reciprocal affective components. Such close relations work against the potential interest that private capital holders might have in leading or joining efforts to press for fundamental political liberalization. Drawing on these findings, the article places China’s economic and political development in comparative perspective, and lays out the most likely scenarios for China’s future.

Measuring fiber connection loss using steady-state power distribution: a method

1981 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Y. Daido ◽  
E. Miyauchi ◽  
T. Iwama
Keyword(s):  
Steady State ◽  
Power Distribution ◽  
State Power ◽  
Fiber Connection
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