scholarly journals Refleksi Pemikiran Multikulturalisme bagi Dakwah

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-61
Author(s):  
Ellyda Retpitasari ◽  
Luluk Fikri Zuhriyah
Keyword(s):  
Literature Review ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Charles Taylor ◽  
Structural Approach ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Politics Of Recognition ◽  
Cultural Approach ◽  
Politics Of Difference ◽  
The City

This paper aims to discuss multiculturalism thinking from Europe and Asia, such as Bikhu Parekh, Daniel Conjanu, and Charles Taylor. Multiculturalism thinking is explored for the sake of Da'wa, or it can be called as multiculturalism preaching. This study uses literature review, and analysis of multiculturalism phenomena in the city of Surabaya. These thinkers used a number of approaches in terms of recognition politics, new identity politics, political equality with dignity, politics of difference, accommodative multiculturalism, and pragmatism. In the analysis of the Da'wa approach is divided into two, namely the structural approach and cultural approach. The structural approach refers to politics that encompasses politics of recognition, politics of new identity, politics of equality with dignity, and politics of difference. As for the cultural approach, it encompasses accommodative multiculturalism and pragmatism. Through this multicultural preaching approach it becomes an offer in overcoming the problems of preaching in multicultural societies.

scholarly journals “My Way”: Charles Taylor on identity and recognition in a secular democracy

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Theo WA De Wit
Keyword(s):  
Charles Taylor ◽  
Multicultural Society ◽  
Core Concept ◽  
Recent Proposal ◽  
Politics Of Recognition ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Core ◽  
Politics Of Difference ◽  
The Ideal

How should we evaluate Charles Taylor’s famous essay “The politics of recognition” (1992) and other related texts in a time where, at least in Europe, the ideal of a “multicultural society” has lost appeal? This article first tries to set out the way in which Taylor links the modern concepts of recognition, identity and authenticity, and how he argues why modernity not only demands a politics of equal dignity but also a politics of difference. We also discuss his more recent proposal, rethinking the whole idea of secularism and a “secular democracy” – again: to prepare a just and workable answer to societies marked by (not only religious) diversity. We conclude our contribution with three critical remarks on Taylor’s approach: about the recent politicization of culture in Europe and elsewhere, about the necessity of a new role of the public domain, and about the core concept of authenticity.

Theorizing Cultural Identities: Historical Institutionalism as a Challenge to the Culturalists

2000 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 499-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Lecours
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Charles Taylor ◽  
Historical Institutionalism ◽  
Cultural Identities ◽  
Cultural Approach ◽  
Will Kymlicka ◽  
Multiethnic States ◽  
Inherent Strength ◽  
The Way

The interest of philosophers in the politics of cultural identity was one of the most interesting developments in this field in the 1990s. Their involvement in an area dominated by historians, sociologists, political scientists and anthropologists2 has been particularly evident in Canada where scholars such as Will Kymlicka and Charles Taylor have shaped the way many academics understand cultural identity politics. These theorists have favoured a cultural approach to the phenomenon. They have established frameworks for understanding and managing multiethnic states that stress the inherent strength and meaning of culture.

scholarly journals Belgrade (de)void of identity: Politics of time, politics of control and politics of difference

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolina Bobic
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Politics Of Difference ◽  
Post War ◽  
And Control ◽  
The City

This paper examines the complex entanglement of national and international violence and control in Belgrade. In particular, the ways in which the identity of the city has been affected in the aftermath of NATO’s 1999 Operation Allied Force as manifest in the hollowness of the unreconstructed Generalstab complex. The notion of hollowness presents an oppportunity to reformulate and reconsider the identity of Belgrade and Serbia as well as proffer an opening towards reconceptualising post-war reconstruction.

Feminism as Revolutionary Practice: From Justice and the Politics of Recognition to Freedom

Hypatia ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marieke Borren
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Politics Of Recognition ◽  
Shared Identity ◽  
Critical Theories ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Collective Empowerment ◽  
Struggle For Recognition ◽  
Common Action

In the 1980s extra‐parliamentary social movements and critical theories of race, class, and gender added a new sociocultural understanding of justice—recognition— to the much older socioeconomic one. The best‐known form of the struggle for recognition is the identity politics of disadvantaged groups. I argue that there is still another option to conceptualize their predicament, neglected in recent political philosophy, which understands exclusion not in terms of injustice, more particularly a lack of sociocultural recognition, but in terms of a lack of freedom. I draw my inspiration from Hannah Arendt's model of political action. Arendt diagnoses exclusion not solely as a mode of injustice, but as a lack of participation and public freedom. Consequently, she advocates a struggle for participation, political equality, and freedom as a strategy for emancipation or empowerment. Arendt could help feminists see that collective empowerment is made possible not by a shared identity (the target of poststructuralist critics) but by common action in the service of a particular worldly issue or common end. In other words, feminists would do well to appreciate the revolutionary quality and heritage of the feminist movement better, that is, its character as a set of practices of freedom.

Some Aspects of Identity Politics of Kharkiv Local Authorities After 2013

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-81
Author(s):  
Denys Kutsenko
Keyword(s):  
Development Strategy ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Interesting Case ◽  
Cultural Development ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
New Policies ◽  
National Flag ◽  
The City

AbstractThe paper analyzes the transformation of identity politics of Kharkiv local authorities after the Euromaidan, or Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of Crimea, and the War in Donbass. Being the second largest city in Ukraine and becoming the frontline city in 2014, Kharkiv is an interesting case for research on how former pro-Russian local elites treat new policies of the central government in Kyiv, on whether earlier they tried to mobilize their electorate or to provoke political opponents with using soviet symbols, soviet memory, and copying Russian initiatives in the sphere of identity.To answer the research question of this article, an analysis of Kharkiv city and oblast programs and strategies and of communal media were made. Decommunisation, as one of the most important identity projects of Ukrainian central authorities after 2014, was analyzed through publications in Kharkiv’s city-owned media as well as reports from other scholars. Some conclusions are made from the analysis of these documents: Kharkiv development strategy until 2020, Complex program of cultural development in Kharkiv in 2011–2016 (and the same for 2017–2021), The regional program of military and patriotic training and participation of people in measures of defense work in 2015–2017, Program of supporting civil society in 2016–2020 in Kharkiv region and the city mayor’s orders about the celebration of Victory Day (9 May), the Day of the National Flag (23 August), the Day of the City (23 August) and Independence Day (24 August) in 2010–2015.

scholarly journals The Political Stakes of Academic Research: Perspectives on Johannesburg

2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivor Chipkin
Keyword(s):  
Inner City ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Academic Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Research Perspectives ◽  
Shift Analysis ◽  
Demographic Shifts ◽  
The City ◽  
Political Question

Abstract:This article considers a burgeoning literature on Johannesburg from the perspective of the sorts of questions it asks about the city. There is a substantial and lively literature on questions of poverty and equality, class and race. These studies are strongly informed by the idea that the mechanisms that produce such inequalities are key to understanding the nature of Johannesburg as a city: in terms of how its economy works and how political institutions function, but also in terms of what sort of city Johannesburg is and can be. I consider sociological and economic studies of the inner city that try to account for demographic shifts in the inner city and for processes of social and physical degeneration. I review urban anthropologies of inner-city society, considering in particular new forms of social and economic organization among inner-city residents. Related to these, I discuss debates among scholars about the prospects for governing the city, paying special attention to the consequences for such readings on partnerships. I also discuss an emerging literature, critical of that above, which seeks to shift analysis of the city toward studies of culture and identity. These literatures do not simply approach the city through different disciplinary lenses (sociology or economy or anthropology or cultural studies) . They come to their studies from different normative perspectives. For some, the key political question of the day is one about social and political equality in its various forms. For others, it is about the degree to which Johannesburg (or Africa) is different from or the same as other places in the world. This paper has tried to bring to the fore the political (and not simply policy) consequences of these different views. It concludes not by seeking to reconcile these perspectives, but by suggesting a way of retaining a commitment to equality and justice while not reducing them simply to questions of economy. At stake, I argue, are questions of democratic culture and of sociability.

Identity Politics and the Welfare State

1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Wolfe ◽  
Jytte Klausen
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Opportunity ◽  
Politics Of Recognition ◽  
Life Chances ◽  
Political Tradition ◽  
Policies And Programs ◽  
Deep Sense ◽  
The Welfare State

Motivated by a deep sense that injustice and inequality are wrong, liberals and reformers in the Western political tradition have focused their energies on policies and programs which seek inclusion: extending the suffrage to those without property; seeking to treat women the same as men, and blacks the same as whites; trying to ensure that as few as possible are excluded from economic opportunity due to lack of resources. Under current conditions, such demands for inclusion take two primary forms, especially in the United States. One is a commitment to using the state to equalize the life chances of individuals. The other is a call for treating groups which have experienced discrimination with full respect. The former leads to the welfare state, while the latter is produced by, and in turn produces, what is commonly called identity politics, the politics of recognition, or the politics of presence.

Sekolah Islam (Islamic Schools) as Symbols of Indonesia's Urban Muslim Identity

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Yanwar Pribadi
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Muslim Identity ◽  
Social Transformations ◽  
Islamic Schools ◽  
Ethnographic Fieldwork ◽  
Islamic Identity ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City ◽  
Depth Interviews

Abstract This article discusses the relationship between Sekolah Islam (Salafism-influenced Islamic schools) and urban middle-class Muslims. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in the City of Serang (Kota Serang), near Jakarta, this paper argues that these conservative and puritan Muslims demonstrate their Islamic identity politics through their engagement with Sekolah Islam. The analysis of in-depth interviews with and close observations of parents of students and school custodians (preachers or occasionally spiritual trainers) at several Sekolah Islam reveals that they have attempted to pursue ‘true’ Islamic identity and have claimed recognition of their identity as the most appropriate. The pursuit of a ‘true’ Islamic identity has infused Islamic identity politics, and there is an oppositional relationship between local Islamic traditions and Salafism, as seen in Sekolah Islam. The relationship between Islam and identity politics becomes intricate when it is transformed into public symbols, discourses, and practices at many Sekolah Islam. This paper shows that through their understanding and activities at Sekolah Islam, these Muslims are avid actors in the contemporary landscape of Islamic identity politics in Indonesia. By taking examples from Sekolah Islam in Indonesia, this article unveils social transformations that may also take place in the larger Muslim world.

scholarly journals Etude De La Pertinence Des IG Comme Outil De Différenciation Des Produits De Terroir: CAS DE l’IGP Argane Dans La Ville d’Agadir Et Regions

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (31) ◽  
pp. 207
Author(s):  
El Bakkouri Bouchra ◽  
Souaf Malika ◽  
Elwazani Youssef
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Study ◽  
Literature Review ◽  
Geographical Indications ◽  
Geographical Indication ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Key Concepts ◽  
Its Regions ◽  
The City ◽  
Do So

The differentiation of local products is considered as a necessity nowadays given the standardization flows are increasing. This differentiation can be established especially through the Distinctive Signs of Origin and Quality (DSOQ). Our work has shown through the example of the PGI (Protected Geographical Indication) Argane, that GIs are a relevant tool for the differentiation of local products if they (GIs) are placed in a favorable context to their application. Our paper answers the following question: "To what extent geographical indications are meant as an effective tool for differentiation of local products: case of the PGI Argane in the city of Agadir and regions? To do so, we used an exploratory qualitative study through semi-structured interviews with a sample of people representing different stakeholders of Agadir and its regions, preceded of course by a literature review on the different key concepts.

Gothic Comedy

2019 ◽  
pp. 189-202
Author(s):  
Catherine Spooner
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
First Century ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Romantic Comedy ◽  
Significant Function ◽  
Politics Of Difference ◽  
The Family ◽  
Twenty First Century

Comedy has become an increasingly prevalent feature of Gothic in the twenty-first century, and thus Gothic comedy can be found across a multitude of media. This chapter surveys the kinds of comedy that appear in contemporary Gothic (such as sitcom, stand-up, romantic comedy, mock-documentary) and argues that, in the twenty-first century, Gothic comedy often functions to travesty culturally significant concepts of family, domesticity and childhood in the light of a liberal identity politics. Beginning with twentieth-century precedents such as television sitcom The Addams Family (1964–6) and Edward Gorey’s illustrations, the chapter analyses a range of contemporary texts including The League of Gentlemen (1999–2017), Corpse Bride (2005), Ruby Gloom (2006–8),Hotel Transylvania (2012) and What We Do in the Shadows (2014). It concludes that far from being frivolous or disposable, contemporary Gothic comedy forms a politically significant function in its tendency to undermine right-wing ideologies of the family and promote a celebratory politics of difference and inclusion.

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