scholarly journals Pertarungan Kuasa dalam Wacana Islam Nusantara

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 339
Author(s):  
Ahmad Khoirul Fata ◽  
Moh. Nor Ichwan

This article examines power struggle in the discourse of Islam Nusantara which becomes very popular in contemporary Indonesian Islam. The idea of Islam Nusantara is not different from Islam in general, but with distinctive charactericstics, such as tawâzun, i‘tidâl, and tawassut}. The proponents of this idea claim that their intellectual framework is based on the principle of maslah}ah mursalah, istih}sân, and ‘urf. Using critical discourse analysis, this article attempts to see the other side of Islam Nusantara discourse. This study is based on an assumption that language and discourse are not only an instrument to convey ideas, but also a means to construct social reality. Social activities are always related to and constructed by their social settings. This article argues that the discourse of Islam Nusantara emerges as a part of struggle for influence between mainstream Islamic movements, such as Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, and new transnational Islamic movements, such as Tarbiyah, Hizbut Tahrir, and Salafis. The use of the term Islam Nusantara is indeed the effort of mainstream Islamic movements to create the image of indigenous Islamic movements, different from the newly imported Islamic movements. However, the discourse of Islam Nusantara seems to be reductionist and monolithic in perceiving diverse realities of Islam in Nusantara.

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bianka Plüschke-Altof

Despite often being used interchangeably, the dominant equation of the rural with the peripheral is not self-evident. In order to critically scrutinize the discursive node, the aim of this article is twofold. On one hand, it argues for overcoming the prevalent urban‒rural divide and dominant structural approaches in sociological and geographical research by introducing discursive peripheralization as a conceptual framework, which allows the analysis of the discursive (re-)production of socio-spatial inequalities on and between different scales. On the other hand, this article explores how rural areas are constituted as peripheries within a hegemonic discourse naturalizing the ascription of development (non-)potentials. Following a critical discourse analysis approach, this will be illustrated in the case of periphery constructions in Estonian national print media.


Author(s):  
Bob Hodge

This chapter investigates and endorses the integration of two existing research traditions, electronic discourse analysis (EDA) and critical discourse analysis (CDA), into a more powerful and comprehensive form of analysis of electronic discourses, Critical Electronic Discourse Analysis (CEDA). It sets this analytic project against the massive, unpredictable changes in culture and society which are associated with the electronic media revolution. It argues for innovative forms of analysis, in which ‘electronic discourse analysis’ acquires two over-lapping interpretations: electronically enabled analysis of discourses in all media; and all forms of analysis of electronic discourses and the social forms they express. It uses McLuhan and multi-modality theory to argue for major continuities and significant breaks in semiotic modes over long periods. It argues that powerful innovations in analysis and technology need to recognize and incorporate the two fundamental semiotic modes, digital and analogue, and not seek to replace one with the other.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 392-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farid Hafez

This article analyses the two national parliamentary debates on the new Islam law of 2015 using a Viennese School of Critical Discourse Analysis. It asks how the new Islam law was framed from the perspectives of the political parties in power and of those in opposition. It also shows in detail which arguments were raised to defend, alter or support the proposed law by identifying the list of topoi used. It asks especially how racist arguments were debated between on one side a comparably tolerant Austrian system of laws on religion, and on the other, the dominant right-wing populist Freedom Party of Austria, which aimed to foster Islamophobia.


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 781-813 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kieran O’Halloran

In the article, I model an alternative critical discourse analysis (CDA) pedagogy which is based on an ethical subjectivity instead of a political subjectivity. Aimed at undergraduates, it facilitates critical purchase on arguments which attack the standpoint of relatively powerless groups/organizations (who seek political change). Via corpus linguistic analysis of appropriate web-based data, I show how the analyst can rigorously find out at scale the recurrent key concerns of a relatively powerless Other with whom they were previously unfamiliar. They use this counter-discourse information as a lens on an argument which criticises the relatively powerless group, ascertaining whether or not the argument has distorted the group’s key concerns. Should this be the case, I highlight how the analyst can go on to explore whether any mischaracterisation has implications for the argument’s credibility because it loses coherence relative to the outlook of the Other. The approach is grounded in Jacques Derrida’s ‘ethics of hospitality to the Other’. It is in being hospitable to the outlook of a relatively powerless Other, and adopting it for purposes of argument evaluation, that the analyst effectively creates an ethical subjectivity. That said, the ethical and political are, in principle, relatable with this method as I indicate.


2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 781-813 ◽  

In the article I model an alternative critical discourse analysis (CDA) pedagogy which is based on an ethical subjectivity instead of a political subjectivity. Aimed at undergraduates, it facilitates critical purchase on arguments which attack the standpoint of relatively powerless groups/organizations (who seek political change). Via corpus linguistic analysis of appropriate web-based data, I show how the analyst can rigorously find out at scale the recurrent key concerns of a relatively powerless Other with whom they were previously unfamiliar. They use this counter-discourse information as a lens on an argument which criticises the relatively powerless group, ascertaining whether or not the argument has distorted the group’s key concerns. Should this be the case, I highlight how the analyst can go on to explore whether any mischaracterisation has implications for the argument’s credibility because it loses coherence relative to the outlook of the Other. The approach is grounded in Jacques Derrida’s ‘ethics of hospitality to the Other’. It is in being hospitable to the outlook of a relatively powerless Other, and adopting it for purposes of argument evaluation, that the analyst effectively creates an ethical subjectivity. That said, the ethical and political are, in principle, relatable with this method as I indicate. Keywords: absences; argumentation; change.org; corpus linguistics; counter-discourse; critical discourse analysis; ethical subjectivity; Jacques Derrida; online comments; text cohesion.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 272-294
Author(s):  
Piotr Cap

Abstract The present paper explores the current nexus between Cognitive Linguistics (CL) and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), focusing on theories of conceptual positioning, distancing and perspective-taking in discourse space. It assesses the strengths, limitations, and prospects for further operationalization of positioning as a valid methodology in CDA, and political discourse studies in particular. In the first part, I review the cognitive models of positioning that have made the most significant contribution to CDA. Discussing Deictic Space Theory and Text World Theory, among others, I argue that these models reveal further theoretical potential which has not been exploited yet. While they offer a comprehensive and plausible account of how representations and ideologically charged worldviews are established, they fail to deliver a pragmatic explanation of how addressees are made to establish a worldview, in the service of speaker’s goals. The second part of the paper outlines Proximization Theory, a discursive model of crisis and conflict construction in political discourse. I argue that, unlike the other models, it fully captures the complex geopolitical and ideological positioning in political discourse space, providing a viable handle on the dynamics of conflict between the opposing ideologies of the space.


2001 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen A. Hinchman ◽  
Josephine Peyton Young

This article is a critical discourse analysis that explored how two students participated in classroom talk about written text. We analyzed field notes and transcripts from classroom videotapes and student interviews according to three dimensions, description, interpretation, and explanation, and with concern for three contexts, situational, institutional, and societal. The students participated in talk in complicated, devolving ways over 1 school year - ways that seemed tied to a variety of social constructions inside and outside the classroom. One participated in classroom talk about text with an assumption of expertise, only to lose credibility when his teacher expected richer interpretive insights. The other participated in such talk from an assumption of equality, yet no one listened to what she said until it diverged from the supportable, in which case they derided her. Our analysis suggests that we should be vigilant in our setup and monitoring of individuals' participation in classroom talk, about text and otherwise, looking to disrupt ways it is embedded with hurtful institutional and societal discourses. Such attention may help us to develop more equitable literacy pedagogy.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-42
Author(s):  
Sinfree Makoni

AbstractDiscourses on terror have been encrypted in the events of 9/11 in 2001 perhaps more than any single event since the end of the Cold War. Even though these discourses are projected as a global phenomenon, very few studies have analysed how they are framed by non-U.S. actors, especially by al-Qaeda and to some extent al-Shabaab. An analysis of discourses of terror by al-Qaeda is invaluable in determining how the U.S. is represented from the perspectives of the “other.” Using Critical Discourse Analysis as an analytic and interpretive framework, this article analyses al-Qaeda declassified intelligence reports captured by the U.S. in order to establish a view of “terror” from an al-Qaeda insider perspective. The article argues that there is a convergence of ideas and overlap in terms of the discourses of terror between the U.S. and al-Qaeda, which is ironic because of the firm distinction made by the U.S. government between “us” – the civilized nations – and “them” – the barbarian, evil murderers of innocent civilians.


1990 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 84-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gunther Kress

The label Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is used by a significant number of scholars with a diverse set of concerns in a number of disciplines. It is well-exemplified by the editorial statement of the journal Discourse and Society, which defines its envisaged domain of enquiry as follows: “the reproduction of sexism and racism through discourse; the legitimation of power; the manufacture of consent; the role of politics, education and the media; the discursive reproduction of dominance relation between groups; the imbalances in international communication and information.” While some practitioners of Critical Discourse Analysis might want to amend this list here or there, the set of concerns sketched here well describes the field of CDA. The only comment I would make, a comment crucial for many practitioners of CDA, is to insist that these phenomena are to be found in the most unremarkable and everyday of texts—and not only in texts which declare their special status in some way. This scope, and the overtly political agenda, serves to set CDA off on the one hand from other kinds of discourse analysis, and from textlinguistics (as well as from pragmatics and sociolinguistics) on the other.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Stanley Elias

This study comparatively analyses the allusion and analogies of Indonesian Presidents’ by wayang characters and stories. It particularly interrogates how wayang characters and lakon allude and mediate the personal and political identities of Indonesian presidents in the Reformasi era. The study focuses on the portrayal of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Jokowi during Reformasi era. The study is a qualitative research and deploying Textual and Critical Discourse Analysis approaches. These are to examine how language in the selected wayang kulit and wayang golek stories, as a form of social and cultural practice, constructs the personal and political identities of the presidents. Central to the analysis, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is in most cases alluded as Semar, and his association with selected lakon significantly inform on the political and personal identities among Indonesians and the International community. On the other hand, Jokowi is alluded to as Petruk but presenting contradicting allusions and analogies in Indonesian politics. Generally, findings suggest that the portrayal of Indonesian presidents’ identities by wayang characters and in the lakon is never fixed. The change of political atmosphere and failure to meet peoples’ expectations culminate in changes on the portrayal of political and personal identities of presidents.


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