scholarly journals Participants of Russian Naval Expeditions on the Political and Legal and Socio-Economic Situation of the Turkmen of the East Caspian Region (Mid-18th – Mid-19th c.)

Author(s):  
Roman Pochekaev

Introduction. The aim of the paper is to study the notes of the participants of Russian naval expeditions to the east coast of the Caspian Sea since the middle of 18th to the second half of 19th c. as a source of information on the political and legal position of local Turkmen tribes. Another aim is to analyze the significance of this information for the further advance of the Russian Empire to Central Asia. Methods and materials. The sources of the study are official reports of the heads of expeditions, scientific works and, in some cases, memoirs of the participants. The methods used in the paper are critical analysis of textual sources, historical and legal study, comparative historical analysis, institutional approach. Analysis. The notes of the participants of Russian naval expeditions contain valuable and sometimes unique information on specific features of the social and political structure of nomadic tribes of the East Caspian region including the political structure of tribes, legal regulation of different fields of relations, such as trade relations, extractive activities, settlement o conflicts, etc. The comparative analysis of the notes demonstrates that by the middle of 19th c. the evaluation of East Caspian nomads became more critical and strict. This reflected the views of Russian political circles on the necessity to strengthen the positions of the Russian Empire in Central Asia even by military methods. Results. Information of the participants of Russian naval expeditions is of great value as they were eye-witnesses or even participants of political, legal and socioeconomic relations in the region. These notes became a part of the informative and ideological base for the further advance of the Russian Empire to Central Asia.

Author(s):  
Jumaniyazov Damir Quatbaevich ◽  
◽  
Toreniyazova Dilfuza Kulametovna ◽  
Berdibekov Muhammed Konysbaevich ◽  
◽  
...  

Studying history, we see that the political practices and methods of government used by countries have their own characteristics. The article examines the intentions of the Russian Empire to invade Central Asia.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (10 (108)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Sharafetdin Magaramov

Based on documentary data from the funds of federal and state archives and taking into account the modern achievements of Russian historiography, the article examines the experience of the administrative practice of the Russian Empire in the Western Caspian region in 1722—1735. The activity of the commanders-in-chief of the Grassroots Corps of Generals M. A. Matyushkin and V. V. Dolgorukov on the organization of a management system for the southwestern shores of the Caspian Sea, ensuring the security of communications and the loyalty of Caucasian and Persian societies. Strengthening the position of the Russian government included a whole range of measures: punitive expeditions against rebellious rulers, appeals and appeals to the population not to follow the “rioters”, payment of remuneration and the provision of royal favor to loyal rulers, the introduction of the institution of amanity (hostage taking), collection of information with the help of spies , merchants, etc. The unhealthy climate, ethnopolitical disunity of the region, the reluctance of the local population to submit to “alien” power, the confrontation between the Persian and Turkish authorities created serious difficulties in the management of the region. The remoteness of the Western Caspian region from the main part of the Russian Empire, the unprofitability of the presence of imperial troops in the region, large losses among troops from diseases, the lack of reliable communications for replenishing the personnel of the garrisons and their food supply, as well as the radically changed foreign policy situation around the region ultimately led to the return of the Western Caspian region under the Rasht treaty of 1732 and the Ganja treaty of 1735 to Persia.


1997 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 859-893 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID MOON

This article surveys the expansion of Russian peasant settlement from 1550, when most of the 6·5 million peasants lived in the forest-heartland of Muscovy, to 1897, when around fifty million Russian peasants lived throughout large parts of the immense Russian empire. It seeks to explain how this massive expansion was achieved with reference to different facets of the ‘frontier’: the political frontier of the Russian state; the environmental frontier between forest and steppe; the lifeway frontier between settled peasant agriculture and pastoral nomadism; and the ‘hierarchical frontier’ between the Russian authorities and the mass of the peasantry. The article draws attention to the different ways in which peasant-migrants adapted to the variety of new environments they encountered, and stresses interaction across each facet of the frontier. Nevertheless, by 1897, the coincidence between the two main types of environment and the two principal lifeways of the population had been virtually eliminated in much of the Russian empire outside central Asia. This was a consequence of the expansion of Russia's political frontiers, mass peasant migration, the ploughing up of vast areas of pasture land, and the sedentarization of many nomadic peoples. The expansion of peasant settlement helps explain the durability of Russian peasant society throughout the period from the mid-sixteenth to the late-nineteenth centuries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ulyanova

The article analyzes the political discourse of the officials of the main political surveillance structure, – the Police Department, – in the period of 1880s (organization of the Department) and until October, 1905, when the Western-type Constitution project finally prevailed. The comparative analysis of the conceptual instruments (“Constitutionalists”, “Oppositionists”, “Radicals”, “Liberals”) typically used in the Police Department allows one to come o the conclusion that the leaders of the Russian empire political police did not follow the “reactionary and protective” discourse, did not share its postulates, but preferred the moderate-liberal-conservative path of political development. Along with that, the Police Department also demonstrated loyal attitude to zemsky administration and zemsky figures, covert criticism of “bureaucratic mediastinum”, the tendency to come to an agreement with public figures through personal negotiations, intentional omittance of reactionary and protective repressive measures in preserving autocracy. All this allows to come to the conclusion that the officials of the Police Department shares Slavophil public and political doctrine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-2) ◽  
pp. 176-184
Author(s):  
Dmitry Nechevin ◽  
Leonard Kolodkin

The article is devoted to the prerequisites of the reforms of the Russian Empire of the sixties of the nineteenth century, their features, contradictions: the imperial status of foreign policy and the lagging behind the countries of Western Europe in special political, economic relations. The authors studied the activities of reformers and the nobility on the peasant question, as well as legitimate conservatism.


Author(s):  
Yangiboeva Dilnoza Uktamovna ◽  

The article describes the influence of the Russian Empire on the socio-political life of the Emirate of Bukhara in the late XIX - early XX centuries during the reign of Mangit emirs Muzaffar (1860-1885), Abdulahad (1885-1910) and Alimkhan (1910-1920). There were many people who looked at this country, which has beautiful nature, fertile soil and rich in minerals. The Central Asian khanates, which were part of a constantly changing world, did not undergo renewal, despite their obsolescence. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries, when the Emirate of Bukhara became politically and economically full of the policy of the Russian Empire and officially became its vassal, many historical events took place in its social life.


Author(s):  
Sultan K. Zhussip (Aqquly) ◽  
Dikhan Qamzabekuly ◽  
Satay M. Syzdykov ◽  
Kairbek R. Kemengger ◽  
Khalil B. Maslov

It was 1919, that is, on the eve of the mutual acknowledgement of the Alash Autonomy and the Soviet rule of each other and the incorporation of the Kazakh Autonomy in the USSR. However, historical facts confirm that the leader of the Kazakhs was attempting to build a national army, a fully legal one, even during the period of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907, therefore in the period of the autocratic rule of the colonial empire, despite a number of insurmountable obstacles that seemed to stand in the way. The article is devoted to a historical analysis of the process of creating a legal national army of the Kazakh population and the political legalization of the Autonomous State of Alash on the territory of the Russian Empire in the late 19th – early 20th century. The leader of the Kazakh National Movement “Alash”, Alikhan Bukeikhan was attempting to build a legal national army even during the period of the first Russian Revolution 1905-1907. However, he achieved his goal only after the February Revolution of 1917 – on the eve of the civil war, launched by the Bolsheviks.The leader of the Kazakh National Movement “Alash”, Alikhan Bukeikhan was attempting to build a legal national army even during the period of the first Russian Revolution 1905-1907. However, he achieved his goal only after the February Revolution of 1917 – on the eve of the civil war, launched by the Bolsheviks


Author(s):  
Sergey Sergushkin

The article focuses on the role of A. E. Evert, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front, in the events of the February Revolution. Russia's top military leadership took a consolidated position on the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II from the throne, but the unity regarding the fate of the Empire's future was only an appearance. This is made clear through a detailed examination of the decisions made by Evert during the last crucial days for the Russian Empire and of his motives. The author pays particular attention to the period after the emperor’s abdication when, in the political vacuum, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front changed his line of conduct and proposed the bold project of transferring the country's real political power under military control. The methodological basis of this study is the principles of historicism, systematicity and scientific objectivity, while also using the comparative and historical-genetic methods.  Evert considered the constitutional monarchy with Mikhail Alexandrovich on the throne as a worthy alternative to the forceful suppression of the revolution in the rear, which cannot be said about his view on the Provisional Government and the prospect of elections to the Constituent Assembly during the war. In this regard, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front hoped, with the support of his colleagues, to impose his will on the rebellious capital. However, his project did not receive the necessary support, and his disloyalty to the Provisional Government led to his early resignation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document